Friday, August 31, 2018

Ancient Mythical Accounts of Alchemy


Ancient Mythical Accounts of Alchemy, By John Edward Mercer 1921

The origin of alchemy is ancient even when traced back no further than the second or third century of our era. But the adepts and historians of the art were by no means thus easily satisfied, and sought to invest it with the imposing dignity of a hoary antiquity. Some of them were very bold and claimed Adam as its founder, with the naive desire of making it as old as the race. The loss of the secret came with the loss of Paradise. Olaeus Borrichius is on somewhat firmer ground when he fixes on Tubal-cain, the famous smith of the Bible, for it is certain that the metallurgy of primitive times provided the practical basis of alchemy. Noah was enlisted among these patriarchal adepts. It was argued that he must have possessed the Elixir of life, otherwise he could not have begotten children when he was five hundred years old. The contention, however, is not quite convincing.

A supposition of a very different and far sounder kind is advanced when the word "alchemy" is derived from the name Shem, or Chem, the son of Noah. But even were the name Chem proved to be in evidence, we should not on this score conclude, with a seventeenth-century History of the Hermetic Philosophy, that Shem was an alchemist!

Once started on this track, historians could not fail to enrol Moses. Was he not learned in all the lore of the Egyptians, and would not alchemy be included? Moreover, it is recorded that when Moses was angered at the idolatry of the Israelites, "he took the calf which they had made, and burnt it with fire, and ground it to powder, and strewed it upon the water, and made the children of Israel drink of it." Here, they triumphantly infer, is proof positive that he had the Philosopher's Stone. For how, save by its agency, could he have made the gold powder float on the water? And if it be objected that there is no trace of knowledge of the Stone in the subsequent narratives, the answer is ready. Moses kept the knowledge to himself, and would never entrust the secret to his people.

Solomon was even more certain to be claimed as an adept. For he was widely held to be a master of occult and magical arts, and was possessed of enormous stores of gold. Clearly he knew the mysteries of transmutation. Yes, said early higher critics, he had gold; but if he could make it, why did he go to so much trouble and expense to send to Orphir? This obvious objection was parried by the supposition that, determining to keep the secret, he had the metal carried there and brought back again, in order to mislead the people as to its real source!

Hermes Trismegistus.

Of much greater significance is the claim that the art was founded by Hermes Trismegistus—the Thrice-greatest Hermes. He was an Egyptian priest, supposed to have lived about 2000 B.C., widely revered as the inventor of all the useful arts, and, on that account, in course of time elevated to the rank of the gods. So closely was his name connected with alchemy that "the Hermetic Art" came to be a synonym for it. His mystical hymn was often recited and quoted by the adepts, as an authoritative statement of one of their earliest and most characteristic doctrines—that of the unity of all that exists. "Universe, be attentive to my voice; earth, open; let the mass of waters open to me; trees, tremble not. I would praise the Supreme Lord, the All and the One. Let the heavens open and the winds be still; let all my faculties praise the All and the One." The bearing of this on our subject will be considered when we treat of the philosophy of alchemy.

The significance of the prominent place given to Hermes lies here. It was undoubtedly the metallurgical and chemical knowledge and skill possessed by the Egyptians that started the idea of the practical possibility of transmutation. From the earliest times that pioneer civilisation worked with metals and alloys, with the making of glass and enamel, and with the concoction of medicines. And Berthelot has shown that it is the material thus accumulated which is embodied in the oldest treatises on alchemy, If, then, we take Hermes Trismegistus to be the representative of a whole succession of Egyptian priest-metallurgists, instead of a single individual discoverer, the claim on his behalf may be accorded a large measure of validity.

We must be careful, however, not to press the claim too far. For this core of historical fact was overlaid by enormous accretions of myth and fantastic legend. Nor can we wonder that this should have happened. For during the whole of our Christian era there has been a widely spread conviction (not yet extinct!) that the ancient Egyptians had discovered many secret arts, occult doctrines, and magical formulae which had been lost to the world. The veil that hung over the ruined retreats at Thebes and Memphis, the ignorance of what was known and practised there, allowed free play for imagination and cast a glamour over the little that had survived. Mediaeval sages (and not a few moderns) firmly believed that the bizarre signs and emblems of that almost obliterated past concealed secrets and revelations of the deepest import. Hence exaggerations and absurdities. The fact nevertheless remains that this ancient metallurgy gave a starting-point for alchemy properly so called.

At last, then, we approach the confines of history. We have discovered the existence in Egypt of a large accumulation of the kind of materials with which alchemy concerned itself. Jewellers, painters, potters, glass-makers, and pre-eminently metal-workers—each craft had its own store of technical secrets handed on generation after generation by personal instruction as between masters and apprentices. Doubtless there were also manuals and treatises; but these have not been preserved, and in any case played a quite subsidiary part. Berthelot lays great emphasis on the importance of such professional tradition. He contends that the Egyptian lore was in this way transmitted to the artisans of Rome, preserved during the Dark Ages in the workshops of Italy and France, and gradually absorbed into the general body of alchemical doctrine and practice.

Thursday, August 30, 2018

The Voice of Death (Romanian/German Tale)


 ONCE upon a time there lived a man whose one wish and prayer was to get rich. Day and night he thought of nothing else, and at last his prayers were granted, and he became very wealthy. Now being so rich, and having so much to lose, he felt that it would be a terrible thing to die and leave all his possessions behind; so he made up his mind to set out in search of a land where there was no death. He got ready for his journey, took leave of his wife, and started. Whenever he came to a new country the first question that he asked was whether people died in that land, and when he heard that they did, he set out again on his quest. At last he reached a country where he was told that the people did not even know the meaning of the word death. Our traveller was delighted when he heard this, and said:

‘But surely there are great numbers of people in your land, if no one ever dies?’

‘No,’ they replied, ‘there are not great numbers, for you see from time to time a voice is heard calling first one and then another, and whoever hears that voice gets up and goes away, and never comes back.’

‘And do they see the person who calls them,’ he asked, ‘or do they only hear his voice?’

‘They both see and hear him,’ was the answer.

Well, the man was amazed when he heard that the people were stupid enough to follow the voice, though they knew that if they went when it called them they would never return. And he went back to his own home and got all his possessions together, and, taking his wife and family, he set out resolved to go and live in that country where the people did not die, but where instead they heard a voice calling them, which they followed into a land from which they never returned. For he had made up his own mind that when he or any of his family heard that voice they would pay no heed to it, however loudly it called.

After he had settled down in his new home, and had got everything in order about him, he warned his wife and family that, unless they wanted to die, they must on no account listen to a voice which they might some day hear calling them.

For some years everything went well with them, and they lived happily in their new home. But one day, while they were all sitting together round the table, his wife suddenly started up, exclaiming in a loud voice:

‘I am coming! I am coming!’

And she began to look round the room for her fur coat, but her husband jumped up, and taking firm hold of her by the hand, held her fast, and reproached her, saying:

‘Don’t you remember what I told you? Stay where you are unless you wish to die.’

‘But don’t you hear that voice calling me?’ she answered. ‘I am merely going to see why I am wanted. I shall come back directly.’

So she fought and struggled to get away from her husband, and to go where the voice summoned. But he would not let her go, and had all the doors of the house shut and bolted. When she saw that he had done this, she said:

‘Very well, dear husband, I shall do what you wish, and remain where I am.’

So her husband believed that it was all right, and that she had thought better of it, and had got over her mad impulse to obey the voice. But a few minutes later she made a sudden dash for one of the doors, opened it and darted out, followed by her husband. He caught her by the fur coat, and begged and implored her not to go, for if she did she would certainly never return. She said nothing, but let her arms fall backwards, and suddenly bending herself forward, she slipped out of the coat, leaving it in her husband’s hands. He, poor man, seemed turned to stone as he gazed after her hurrying away from him, and calling at the top of her voice, as she ran:

‘I am coming! I am coming!’

When she was quite out of sight her husband recovered his wits and went back into his house, murmuring:

‘If she is so foolish as to wish to die, I can’t help it. I warned and implored her to pay no heed to that voice, however loudly it might call.’

Well, days and weeks and months and years passed, and nothing happened to disturb the peace of the household. But one day the man was at the barber’s as usual, being shaved. The shop was full of people, and his chin had just been covered with a lather of soap, when, suddenly starting up from the chair, he called out in a loud voice:

‘I won’t come, do you hear? I won’t come!’

The barber and the other people in the shop listened to him with amazement. But again looking towards the door, he exclaimed:

‘I tell you, once and for all, I do not mean to come, so go away.’

And a few minutes later he called out again:

‘Go away, I tell you, or it will be the worse for you. You may call as much as you like but you will never get me to come.’

And he got so angry that you might have thought that some one was actually standing at the door, tormenting him. At last he jumped up, and caught the razor out of the barber’s hand, exclaiming:

‘Give me that razor, and I’ll teach him to let people alone for the future.’

And he rushed out of the house as if he were running after some one, whom no one else saw. The barber, determined not to lose his razor, pursued the man, and they both continued running at full speed till they had got well out of the town, when all of a sudden the man fell head foremost down a precipice, and never was seen again. So he too, like the others, had been forced against his will to follow the voice that called him.

The barber, who went home whistling and congratulating himself on the escape he had made, described what had happened, and it was noised abroad in the country that the people who had gone away, and had never returned, had all fallen into that pit; for till then they had never known what had happened to those who had heard the voice and obeyed its call.

But when crowds of people went out from the town to examine the ill-fated pit that had swallowed up such numbers, and yet never seemed to be full, they could discover nothing. All that they could see was a vast plain, that looked as if it had been there since the beginning of the world. And from that time the people of the country began to die like ordinary mortals all the world over.

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Tuesday, August 28, 2018

Why Study History For Yourself?


Why Study History For Yourself? by W. Torrens MacCullagh 1842

Every statute of the realm, every privilege you enjoy, every institution whose vigour you admire, or whose decay you mourn, every custom and usage of society whose traditionary sanction you obey, is but a rootless bramble flung, you know not whence or when, in the way of your free will, until you learn by whom and for what it was planted, and how and why it was suffered to grow up over the heads of your fathers. If you want to understand what you are as civilized men, and how you come to be as you find yourselves, if you would feel a reasoned confidence in the stability of what is good around you, and a sober, calm, unchildish hope that what is evil in your condition, is not immitigable, inevitable, everlasting, you must learn to use and to study history. Tis not safe for you to leave such knowledge to the few of peculiar energy and inquisitiveness? When from the chambers of the Past, (whose windows you will not open—whose treasures you will not share,) these few come forth, and find that any recital of what they have seen therein, will sound credible in your undiscriminating ears, where is your guarantee, that these irresponsible interpreters of the truth, which it behoves you so imperatively to know for yourselves, will interpret truly? They are fallible, temptible, frail; think of your ignorance which is their irresponsibilty; remember how the evils of astrology and magic rose, and tremble at the danger of exclusive historic knowledge.

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Sunday, August 26, 2018

Break, Break, Break (Tennyson's Poem About Loss)


Written 183 years ago by Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Break, Break Break is an elegy on the loss of his friend and fellow poet, Arthur Hallam.

The poem is as follows:

Break, break, break,
On thy cold grey stones, O Sea!
And I would that my tongue could utter
The thoughts that arise in me.

O well for the fisherman's boy,
That he shouts with his sister at play!
O well for the sailor lad,
That he sings in his boat on the bay!

And the stately ships go on
To their haven under the hill;
But O for the touch of a vanish'd hand,
And the sound of a voice that is still!

Break, break, break,
At the foot of thy crags, O Sea!
But the tender grace of a day that is dead,
Will never come back to me.

Friday, August 24, 2018

The Russian Tale of the The Bad Wife and the Demon


The Bad Wife and the Demon (Russian Tale) by W.R.S. Ralston 1873

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A bad wife lived on the worst of terms with her husband, and never paid any attention to what he said. If her husband told her to get up early, she would lie in bed three days at a stretch; if he wanted her to go to sleep, she couldn’t think of sleeping. When her husband asked her to make pancakes, she would say: “You thief, you don’t deserve a pancake!”

If he said:

“Don’t make any pancakes, wife, if I don’t deserve them,” she would cook a two-gallon pot full, and say,

“Eat away, you thief, till they’re all gone!”

“Now then, wife,” perhaps he would say, “I feel quite sorry for you; don’t go toiling and moiling, and don’t go out to the hay cutting.”

“No, no, you thief!” she would reply, “I shall go, and do you follow after me!”

One day, after having had his trouble and bother with her he went into the forest to look for berries and distract his grief, and he came to where there was a currant bush, and in the middle of that bush he saw a bottomless pit. He looked at it for some time and considered, “Why should I live in torment with a bad wife? can’t I put her into that pit? can’t I teach her a good lesson?”

So when he came home, he said:

“Wife, don’t go into the woods for berries.”

“Yes, you bugbear, I shall go!”

“I’ve found a currant bush; don’t pick it.”

“Yes I will; I shall go and pick it clean; but I won’t give you a single currant!”

The husband went out, his wife with him. He came to the currant bush, and his wife jumped into it, crying out at the top her voice:

“Don’t you come into the bush, you thief, or I’ll kill you!”

And so she got into the middle of the bush, and went flop into the bottomless pit.


The husband returned home joyfully, and remained there three days; on the fourth day he went to see how things were going on. Taking a long cord, he let it down into the pit, and out from thence he pulled a little demon. Frightened out of his wits, he was going to throw the imp back again into the pit, but it shrieked aloud, and earnestly entreated him, saying:

“Don’t send me back again, O peasant! let me go out into the world! A bad wife has come, and absolutely devoured us all, pinching us, and biting us—we’re utterly worn out with it. I’ll do you a good turn, if you will.”



So the peasant let him go free—at large in Holy Russia. Then the imp said:

“Now then, peasant, come along with me to the town of Vologda. I’ll take to tormenting people, and you shall cure them.”

Well, the imp went to where there were merchant’s wives and merchant’s daughters; and when they were possessed by him, they fell ill and went crazy. Then the peasant would go to a house where there was illness of this kind, and, as soon as he entered, out would go the enemy; then there would be blessing in the house, and everyone would suppose that the peasant was a doctor indeed, and would give him money, and treat him to pies. And so the peasant gained an incalculable sum of money. At last the demon said:

“You’ve plenty now, peasant; arn’t you content? I’m going now to enter into the Boyar’s [a Boyar is a Russian Aristocrat] daughter. Mind you don’t go curing her. If you do, I shall eat you.”

The Boyar’s daughter fell ill, and went so crazy that she wanted to eat people. The Boyar ordered his people to find out the peasant—(that is to say) to look for such and such a physician. The peasant came, entered the house, and told Boyar to make all the townspeople, and the carriages with coachmen, stand in the street outside. Moreover, he gave orders that all the coachmen should crack their whips and cry at the top of their voices: “The Bad Wife has come! the Bad Wife has come!” and then he went into the inner room. As soon as he entered it, the demon rushed at him crying, “What do you mean, Russian? what have you come here for? I’ll eat you!”

“What do you mean?” said the peasant, “why I didn’t come here to turn you out. I came, out of pity to you, to say that the Bad Wife has come here.”

The Demon rushed to the window, stared with all his eyes, and heard everyone shouting at the top of his voice the words, “The Bad Wife!”

“Peasant,” cries the Demon, “wherever can I take refuge?”

“Run back into the pit. She won’t go there any more.”

The Demon went back to the pit—and to the Bad Wife too.

In return for his services, the Boyar conferred a rich guerdon [reward] on the peasant, giving him his daughter to wife, and presenting him with half his property.

But the Bad Wife sits to this day in the pit—in Tartarus.

Wednesday, August 22, 2018

The Unknown Mysteries of Christmas, by Alvan Lamson


Alvan Lamson on Christmas

With Epiphany celebrated on the 6th of January, as observed at the conclusion of the last chapter, was united the festival of the birth of Christ (Christmas), at the time we first hear of it; that is, in Egypt. The first traces of it are obscure in the extreme. Clement of Alexandria, a learned Father of the Church, whom nothing seemingly escaped, and who flourished at the beginning of the third century, does not expressly mention it. His testimony, however, is important, as showing the ignorance of Christians of that period, even the best informed of them, of the time of Christ's birth. Both the day and the year were involved in uncertainty; and Clement seems to speak with no little contempt of those who undertook to fix the former. "There are those," he says, "who, with an over-busy curiosity, attempt to fix, not only the year, but the day, of our Saviour's birth; who, they say, was born in the twenty-eighth year of Augustus, on the twenty-fifth of the month Pachon"; that is, the twentieth of May. He adds soon after, "Some say that he was born on the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth of the month Pharmuthi"; that is, the nineteenth or twentieth day of April; both parties selecting the spring as the season of the nativity. [Strom., lib. i. c. 21, pp. 407,408, ed. Oxon. 1715. It has been inferred, however, from a statement made by Clement relating to the interval between the birth of Christ and the death of Commodus, that he himself supposed the day of the nativity to have been the 18th of November.] And here Clement leaves the matter. The inference is plain. The day of the nativity was unknown. Whatever notice was taken of the event, was taken at the festival of the Baptism. A few, prying into the subject with vain solicitude, pretended to assign the day: but they differed; only agreeing that it was in April or May. In regard to the precise year of the Saviour's birth, our common or vulgar era, by the general consent of the learned, places it from three to five years (four is generally assigned) too late.

At the period when we discover the first trace of Christmas, it was thus celebrated on the 6th of January, having been superadded to the feast of the Baptism. About the middle of the fourth century, we hear of its celebration at Rome on the 25th of December; the day being determined, it is asserted, — though not on evidence which is perfectly conclusive, — by Julius, Bishop of Rome. This, we believe, is the earliest notice of it as a distinct festival; certainly the earliest which is clear and undisputed. It was soon after introduced into the East; where, according to the testimony of Chrysostom, who was Priest of Antioch, and afterwards Bishop of Constantinople, it was before unknown. "It is not yet ten years," says he, in his Homily on the Nativity, about the year 386, "since this day was first made known to us. It had been before observed," he adds, "in the West; whence the knowledge of it was derived." It is clear, from this testimony, that the present time of celebrating the birth of the Saviour was a novelty in the East very late in the fourth century; and, from the manner in which Chrysostom expresses himself, the conclusion seems irresistible, that, before that time, there was no festival of the kind observed in the Syrian Church. He does not allude to any. He does not say that the question was about the day merely; as he naturally would have said, if it had been so. "Some affirmed," he says, "and others denied, that the festival was an old one, known from Thrace to Spain." "There was much disputing," he adds, "on the subject, and much opposition was encountered in the introduction of the festival." [On the subject of the use which has been made of ChrysOatom's reasoning, and the fallacies involved in the argument employed to show that the real date of the Saviour's birth was known in his day, see a notice of Dr. Jarvis's "Chronological Introduction to the History of the Church," in the Christian Examiner, fourth series, vol. iii. pp. 412-414.] This, it must be recollected, was in one of the chief cities in the East, near the end of the fourth century. The Christians of Egypt, at a much later period, are found celebrating the nativity on the old 6th of January. [It is a circumstance worthy of note, that, while the festival of the Baptism extended itself from East to West, that of Christmas travelled from West to East. We have not overlooked the testimony of Augustine, at the end of the fourth century : but he is too late a writer to be an authority for any early tradition; and, though he mentions the festival of the Nativity, he does not ascribe to it the same importance as to the two older festivals of Easter and Whitsunday.]

Various reasons have been assigned for the selection of the 25th day of December by the Romans. It was clearly an innovation. The day had never been observed as a festival of the nativity by Christians of the East, where Christ had his birth. It is certain, however, that some of the most memorable of the Heathen festivals were celebrated at Rome at this season of the year; and these the Christians were fond of attending, and could be the more readily withdrawn from them if they had similar feasts of their own occurring at the same season. It is certain, too, that many of the ceremonies and observances of the Pagan festivals were transferred to those of Christians. [Thus, during the Roman Saturnalia, or feast of Saturn, holden in memory of the golden age of equality and innocence under his reign, and kept in the time of the Caesars from the 17th to the 23d of December (seven days), "all orders were devoted to mirth and feasting"; friends sent presents to each other; slaves enjoyed their liberty, and wore "caps as badges of freedom"; wax tapers were lighted in the temples; and jests and freedom, and all sorts of jollity, prevailed.] Whether this, and much else connected with the establishment of Christian festivals, happened by design or accident, is a point we shall not stop formally to discuss. It has been argued, that the winter solstice (the 25th of December in the Roman calendar) was chosen from a beautiful analogy, — the sun, which then begins to return to diffuse warmth and light over the material creation, presenting a fit emblem of the rising of the Sun of Righteousness to cheer and bless the world by his beams. The festival of the birth of the Sun (natalis Solis invicti), — a figurative expression, denoting his turning at the tropic, — one of the most celebrated festivals among the Romans, observed at this period, had probably as much to do in determining the time of the Christian festival as the bare analogy alluded to; which, however, served well for rhetorical and poetic illustration. We find the Christian poet, Prudentius, soon after making use of it for this purpose. The fixing of the birth of the Saviour at the winter solstice, when the days begin to increase, which would place that of John at the summer solstice, when they begin to decrease, also gratified the love of a mystical interpretation of the language of Scripture. It gave, as it was discovered, to the affirmation, "He must increase, but I must decrease," a deep-hidden meaning. In the absence of evidence, however, we will not undertake to affirm for what reasons the Romans adopted the 25th of December as the day of the festival of the Nativity.

The sum of the whole is, that, besides the weekly festival of Sunday, there are two annual festivals (those of the Resurrection of Christ and the Descent of the Spirit, or Easter and Whitsunday), or rather one festival of fifty days, including both, which dates back to an indefinitely remote period of Christian antiquity; that the festival of the Baptism of Jesus came next, and, last, that of his Nativity; that this last was wholly unknown for some centuries after the apostolic age; that it is not alluded to by any very ancient Christian writer, by Justin Martyr or Tertullian; that it was unknown to the learned Origen, near the middle of the third century; that Clement of Alexandria does not mention the festival, and speaks of the vain labor of some antiquaries who attempted to fix the date of the Saviour's birth, who agreed in nothing except in placing it in the spring months of April or May; that the festival was first celebrated in January, in connection with the festival of the Manifestation; that Chrysostom, who represents the opinions of the Oriental Church, was ignorant, if not of the festival itself, yet certainly of the present period of its celebration, near the end of the fourth century; and, finally, that the festival came from the West, and not, like all the more ancient festivals, from the East.

The true explanation of the origin of both the more ancient festivals (Easter and Whitsunday) is, that they were Jewish feasts, — continued among the Jewish Christians, and afterwards, it is impossible to say when, adopted by the Gentile believers; Christ having consecrated them anew, the one by his death and resurrection, and the other by the outpouring of the Spirit upon the Apostles. Neither of them was instituted by Christians; neither of them originated in purely Christian ideas, as is shown by the testimony of Origen, already referred to, and in confirmation of which we might adduce a multitude of passages from the early Christian writers to the same point. But there was in existence among the Jews no festival on which Christmas could be ingrafted; and this, and the fact that it was not customary in the early ages to celebrate the birthdays, but only the deaths, of distinguished individuals, accounts for its late origin. The "Natalia" of the martyrs were kept on the anniversary of their death, — their birth into an immortal existence.

We have no complaint to make of the selection of the 25th of December, as the day for commemorating the birth of the Saviour. It is as good as any other day; it being understood, as we suppose it is, by every one even moderately acquainted with the writings of Christian antiquity, that the true date of the nativity is irrecoverably lost. ["I do not believe," says Beausobre (t. ii. p. 692), "that the evangelists themselves knew it. It is evident that St. Luke, who tells us that he began to be about thirty years of aye, when he was baptized, did not know his precise age."] For ourselves, we like this festival of Christmas, and would let it stand where it is, and where it has stood ever since the days of Chrysostom at least, — a period of more than fourteen centuries. It matters not in the least that we are ignorant of the real date of the Saviour's birth. We can be just as grateful for his appearance in the world as we could be, did we know the precise day or moment of his entrance into it. Of what consequence is it for us to know the particular day, or even the year, when this light first shone upon the earth, since we know that it has arisen, and we enjoy its lustre and warmth? Of just as little consequence, for all practical purposes, as for the voyager on one of our majestic rivers to be informed of the exact spot in the remote wilds on which the stream takes its rise, since his little bark is borne gayly on by its friendly waters; or for any of us, if our affairs have been long prosperous, to be able to tell how or when, to the fraction of a minute, our prosperity commenced. If we have been in adversity, and light has broken in upon our gloom, and continues to shine upon us, it imports little whether or not we can fix on the exact point of time at which the clouds began to break and scatter. Just so with this Star of Bethlehem, which "shines o'er sin and sorrow's night": the exact moment at which its beams began to be visible over the hills and valleys of Judea is not a subject about which we need perplex ourselves. No royal historiographer was present to chronicle the Saviour's birth; yet, if his spirit be in our hearts, we can, if we approve the observance, commemorate his advent, with all the kindlings of devout affection and gratitude, — at our homes, or in our houses of worship, where we have so often met to seek comfort and strength from his words, — on any day which the piety of past ages has set apart for so holy a purpose.

One further remark we would make. We see, in the order in which the festivals arose, important testimony to the truth of Christian history. It could hardly have been different, the facts being supposed true. Christmas could not have preceded in its origin the other festivals founded on the events of the resurrection and exaltation of Jesus, without which there could have been no spiritual Christianity. It must almost of necessity follow them, and grow up from obscure beginnings, as it did, out of the gratitude and love of Christians, making it difficult to trace its origin. All this, we say, was natural, and confirms the truth of Christian history. Reading the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles of Paul, one would have been surprised to find a festival of the birth of Christ existing from the first. But we are not surprised at finding that the resurrection (without which, according to the Apostle, his preaching and the faith of Christians would be vain) and the descent of the Spirit (which was, in truth, the beginning of spiritual Christianity) were both early celebrated, as we know they were. It was Christ risen and glorified of which these old believers chiefly thought,—the Redeemer from sin, the Leader in the way of immortality, sitting at the right hand of God, — not the infant Christ.

With respect to the uncertainty of the date of Jesus's birth, Dr, Milman, Dean of St. Paul's, London, thus expresses himself: "The year in which Christ was born is still contested. There is still more uncertainty concerning the time of the year, which learned men are still laboring to determine. Where there is and can be no certainty, it is the wisest course to acknowledge our ignorance, and not to claim the authority of historic truth for that which is purely conjectural. The two ablest modern writers who have investigated the chronology of the life of Christ — Dr. Burton and Mr. Greswell — have come to opposite conclusions: one contending for the spring, the other for the autumn. Even if the argument of either had any solid ground to rest on, it would be difficult
(would it be worth while?) to extirpate the traditionary belief so beautifully embodied in Milton's hymn: —

'It was the winter wild
When the Heaven-born child,' &c.

Were the point of the least importance, we should, no doubt, have known more about it."

The reflection of the learned Dean is judicious. The day and the year, as before said, matter not. We are not so much Christians of the "letter" as to think them of any importance. Let them not be contended about. Let Christmas stand, where it has so long stood, to be observed in honor of the "Heaven-born child." As intelligent Christians, however, it is well to know the "historic truth," and not put certainty for uncertainty in a matter of this sort.

There is no Trinitarianism connected with any of the ancient festivals. Nothing could be further removed from Trinitarianism than the simple ideas on which the Easter festival was founded, — "dead, buried, and, the third day, rose again." "The Logos doctrine" (introduced by the learned converts who came fresh from their Heathen studies), associated in thought with the death and resurrection of Jesus, evidently occasioned some embarrassment in the minds of the Fathers who received it; believing, as they generally did for a long time, that the whole Christ suffered. The simple faith of the early believers was not attended with any difficulties of this sort.

The effusion of the Spirit, or the "pouring it out," as the very terms exclude personality, is not a Trinitarian idea; and the observance of the festival of Pentecost, therefore, in early times, affords no evidence of the Trinitarianism of those times, but was quite compatible with the opinion which Gregory Nazianzen, late in the fourth century, says was entertained by some in his day, — that the Spirit was simply "a mode of divine operation"; some others calling it "God himself"; some, "a creature of God"; and some not knowing what to believe on the subject. It made no difference, so far as the celebration of this festival was concerned, which of these views prevailed.

As to Christmas, — the birth-festival, — that, no more than the festival of the Resurrection or the festival of the Spirit, recognizes a Trinity. It would be difficult to extract the Trinity from the angelic song, "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good-will to men." We may, therefore, add these three festivals — two of them earlier, and one later — to the monuments of Christian antiquity already referred to, as bearing no testimony to the ecclesiastical doctrine of the Trinity.

After what has been said in the foregoing pages, we are prepared to re-assert, in conclusion, that the modern doctrine of the Trinity is not found in any document or relic belonging to the Church of the first three centuries. Letters, art, usage, theology, worship, creed, hymn, chant, doxology, ascription, commemorative rite, and festive observance, so far as any remains or any record of them are preserved, coming down from early times, are, as regards this doctrine, an absolute blank. They testify, so far as they testify at all, to the supremacy of the Father, the only true God; and to the inferior and derived nature of the Son. There is nowhere among these remains a co-equal Trinity. The cross is there; Christ is there as the Good Shepherd, the Father's hand placing a crown, or victor's wreath, on his head; but no undivided Three, — co-equal, infinite, self-existent, and eternal. This was a conception to which the age had not arrived. It was of later origin.

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Rowan Atkinson on England and Freedom of Speech


Grasped by a Ghostly Hand


Grasped by a Ghostly Hand (from True Ghost Stories 1915)

The following account is vouched for by Major C. G. MacGregor, Ireland, who writes as follows:

“In the end of the year 1871 I went over from Scotland to pay a short visit to a relative living in a square on the north side of Dublin.

“In January, 1872, the husband of my relative, then in his eighty-fourth year, was seized with paralysis, and, having no trained nurse, the footman and I sat up with him for sixteen nights during his recovery. On the seventeenth night, at about 11:30 p.m., I said to the footman: ‘The master seems so well, and sleeping soundly, I shall go to bed; and if he awakes worse, or you require me, call me.’ I then retired to my room, which was over the one occupied by the invalid.

“I went to bed and was soon asleep, when some time afterwards I was awakened by a slight push on the left shoulder. I was at the time lying on my right side facing the door (which was on the right side of my bed, and the fireplace on the left). I started up and said: ‘Edward, is there anything wrong?’ I received no answer, but immediately received another push. I got annoyed and said, ‘Can you not speak, man, and tell me if anything is wrong?’ Still no answer; and I had a feeling that I was going to get another push when I suddenly turned around and caught (what I then thought) a human hand, warm, soft and plump. I said: ‘Who are you?’ but I got no answer. I then tried to pull the person towards me, to endeavor to find out who it was, but although I am nearly thirteen stone, I could not move whoever it was, but felt that I myself was likely to be drawn from the bed. I then said, ‘I will know who you are,’ and having the hand tight in my hand, with my left I felt the wrist and arm—enclosed, as it seemed to me, in a tight sleeve of some winter material with a linen cuff; but when I got to the elbow all trace of the arm ceased! I was so astonished that I let the hand go, and just then the house clock struck 2 a.m. I then thought no one could possibly get to the door without my catching them; but lo! the door was fast shut as when I came to bed, and another thought struck me—the fact that, when I pulled the hand, I heard no one breathing, though I myself was ‘puffed’ from the strength I used!

“Including the mistress of the house, there were in all five females, and I am assured that the hand belonged to no one of them. When I related the adventure, the servants exclaimed, ‘Oh, it must be the master’s old aunt Betty,’—an old lady who had lived for many years in the upper part of the house, occupying two rooms, and had died over fifty years ago, at a great age. I afterwards learned that the room in which I felt the hand had been considered ‘haunted,’ and many curious noises and peculiar incidents had occurred there, such as the bed-clothes being torn off. One lady got a slap in the face from some invisible hand, and, when she lighted her candle, she saw something opaque fall, or jump off the bed. A general officer, a brother of the lady, slept there two nights, but preferred going to an hotel rather than remaining a third! He never would say what he heard or saw, but always asserted the room was ‘uncanny.’ I slept for months in that room afterwards and was never in the least disturbed. I never knew what nervousness was in my life, and only regret that my astonishment caused me to let go the hand before finding out the purpose of the visit. Whether it was meant for a warning or not, I may add that the old gentleman lived three years and six months afterwards....”

Chemistry & Alchemy in Ancient Times

Ancient Chemistry and Alchemy, article in the Chemist and Druggist 1894

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M. Berthelot, the eminent French chemist, has in these latter years devoted himself with much persistence to the study of the history of chemistry. His equipment for work of this kind is of an unusually complete character. In addition to his scientific attainments, he is a clear thinker, a close reasoner, and gifted with unusual critical ability. So much as this it is, perhaps, necessary to say, because his conclusions are not always in accordance with those generally received. The merit of M. Berthelot's investigation lies in the fact that he has not been contented to accept any statement at secondhand. The great libraries of Europe are rich in texts bearing upon alchemical science and the beginning of chemistry, but to a great extent these ancient MSS. have been overlooked or ignored. M. Berthelot has devoted ten years of patient study to their elucidation, with the valuable help of some of the most learned Egyptologists of the day. Many of these texts have been printed in the Origines de l'Alchimie, published in 1885, so that they are now open to students of science generally. The recent publication of La Chimie au Moyen Age completes M. Berthelot's work. An interesting epitome of the whole subject was published in the Berne det deux Months for September 15 and October 1, 1893.


The starting-point of the alchemic tradition is lost in the mist of ages. Zosimus the Panopolitan traces it to the rebel angels, who, seduced by the love of women, betrayed its secrets in return for their favours. For this they were driven from Heaven, and thus was founded the race of Giants. Tertullian, writing of this tradition, held that the secrets confided to women by the fallen angels related to the art of poisoning, to transmutation, to magical incantation, and to working in precious stones.

It is curious how widely disseminated this myth became in the dark ages, but it is only part of that intimate blending of early science with religion which all history teaches. In fact, all early science was of a religious character. The temples of the East were the storehouses of learning. All industrial work was inaugurated with magical rites, and the priest was as important as the builder.

In Ancient Egypt alchemy was the "sacred" art, and was taught only to kings' sons. All Egyptian learning was symbolic, and language is so continually used in a vague and enigmatical sense, that it is difficult to define its precise meaning. The pupils of the alchemists were bound by oath to keep secret all teaching imparted to them. Nevertheless, the Egyptian people possessed a wide knowledge of the working of metals, of alloys, of working in glass and precious stones, similar to that practised by the alchemists of a later age. A papyrus discovered in a tomb at Thebes gives instructions for purifying, tempering, and soldering metals; for making glass; for mixing love-philtres; for procuring dreams; and for ensuring the success of any undertaking. This papyrus, M. Berthelot believes, contains the oldest-known alchemical receipts.

M. Berthelot insists on an intimate connection between Babylonian, Chaldean and Egyptian science. The story of the philosopher's egg appears to have been common to all.

There is preserved in the National Library at Paris a number of alchemical manuscripts of great interest. They were brought into France in the reign of Francis I., who made extensive purchases of books in Greece and in the East generally; they were written in the Greek language and copied in the 15th century. A still earlier manuscript is that of St. Mark, at Venice. This dates from the 11th century. It bears marks of loving study and has many marginal notes. Its pages are stained by chemical substances and its figures are more carefully drawn than those in the later MSS. It probably represents the position held by the occult sciences in the 4th century, or even at an earlier period. Many of these texts were probably written by authors who had seen and studied those priceless works of early learning which have been lost to us by the destruction of the Alexandrian Library.

To say that these MSS. have been discovered by M Berthelot would be incorrect. Borrichius, a Danish doctor, referred to them in the 17th century. They were known to Du Gange and Reinsius. Hoeffer published extracts from them in his History of Chemistry, but it is M. Berthelot who has assigned to them their true importance.


It has been usual to look upon Arabia as the birthplace of chemical knowledge. M. Berthelot claims to have proved that this was not so, and contends that the part played by the Arabs, even as transmitters of an earlier knowledge, has been greatly exaggerated. The fact seems to be that eastern science has come down to Europe in two well-defined streams, one by way of Syria and Arabia, the other from Egypt through the Alexandrian Greeks and the industrial arts of the Koman Empire. A great part of Arabian learning was of Hellenic origin. The book of Crates is impregnated with Greek ideas, and the same may be said of the authentic works of Geber. The importance of Hellenic influence has perhaps been overlooked through the absence of alchemical symbols in the Arab writings. This is most likely due to Mussulman intolerance of everything pertaining to magic. It is a curious fact that alchemical symbols do not appear in the Latin translations of the thirteenth century, and their reappearance at the close of the fourteenth century was owing to the direct influence of Greek authors. The art of distillation, which has been generally attributed to Arabia, was really practised in Greece centuries before the birth of Geber, and the same may be said of many other processes.

Arabian influence has been exaggerated also in assigning to Arabic authors Latin writings of a later date: There is strong internal evidence that the Latin works of Geber are spurious. His undoubtedly genuine works are full of declamative and vague idealism, charlatanesque to a degree, but containing philosophical ideas, generally of Greek origin. For instance, he traces an analogy between metals and living beings similar to that which exists between the body and spirit. This corresponds with Aristotelian theories. That Geber was conversant with Greek philosophy is attested by his translation of the logic of Aristotle and other works of a metaphysical character. But the Latin words attributed to him are of a different order altogether. They are scholastic in style and method, and treat of matters unknown to Arabian scholars. In the "Alchemy," mistakenly attributed to Geber, the manufacture of nitric acid is described, although its discovery took place long after his death.

Broadly speaking, M. Berthelot maintains, that Science properly so-called originated with the Greeks. All knowledge anterior to them was of a non-rational character, steeped in mysticism and sacerdotalism, even when most usefully applied. But in science, as in literature, the Greek intellect was clear, critical, and perceptive. Thus came about that divorce between Science and Empiricism which elevated the epoch of the 6th century to a point beyond which but little progress was made until the end of the 16th. Not that this growth was sudden—superstition dies hard; but charlatanism became discredited by enlightened minds, and had far less sway than in later times, when the antique culture was swamped by the breaking-up of the Roman Empire. This enlightened knowledge was transmitted through Syria to its Mussulman conquerors. Syrian scholars translated and edited Greek authors, Aristotle particularly. Alchemy, medicine, and astronomy were their favourite studies, and professors of these sciences acquired great influence at the Courts of the Byzantine Emperors. Bagdad eventually became the seat of important schools. It is to Syrian scholars that we owe many of the most important alchemical manuscripts scattered through the libraries of Europe. They are generally translations from the Greek, and form the basis of M. Berthelot's historical theories. An important MS. in the British Museum commences with a list of symbols—the names of the metals and those products of materia medica employed in chemistry. These are identical with those of the Greek authors. M. Berthelot remarks that in this the names of the metals are associated not only with those of the corresponding planets, but also with those of similar Babylonish divinities. Tin is represented at the same time by Zeus and by Bel; copper by Venus and Bilati, or by Astera; lead by Kronus and by Camosch. The seven earths, the twelve stones employed as remedies and for amulets, the nineteen coloured metals used in tinting glass, recall those numerical combinations so dear to the NeoPythagoricians and to Orientals generally. There are besides, a number of other manuscripts written in Latin, which prove that chemistry—particularly as applied to the Arts—was practised long before the Arab influence made itself felt in Europe. There are of an essentially technical character. The Compositiones ad tigenda, a manuscript of Lucques, contains recipes for tinting mosaics, dyeing skins, gilding iron, writing in gold, &c. Italian jewellers made use of many of these formulae. Recipes also for soldering and for reducing the precious metals to powder are numerous. This was an important art in the Middle Ages, facilitating the carriage of gold from one country to another.

Many of these old manuscripts are really trade-manuals and collections of workshop-receipts rather than treatises of learning. The Syriac MS. at Cambridge includes twelve books written by Zosimus, a Greek author, who lived in the third century of our era. These books are lost in the original Greek, but their authorship is uncontested. They treat, amongst other matters, of working in copper, tin, mercury, lead, electrum and iron. Several of these preparations are referred to under the names of their authors, as is the custom at the present day. This, as pointed out by Berthelot, was quite opposed to Egyptian tradition, which attributed all alchemical works to Hermes. The special interest possessed by many of these ancient texts consists in the fact that they have been completely ignored by the historians of chemistry in past times, and in the light they throw upon European science before the time when Arab learning became prevalent in Europe. A tradition of the manufacture of unbreakable glass runs all through the middle ages. It is frequently referred to in these texts, and is said to have been discouraged by Tiberius on account of its influence on existing trades. These treatises influenced the whole industrial life of the dark ages, particularly in Italy and France. They represent alike the work and the culture of a period extending from the early years of the Christian era to the time when a similar stream of knowledge coming from the same Greek source passed by way of Syria and Arabia into Europe through the medium of the Crusades.

Monday, August 20, 2018

Who or What is Baphomet?


Recently a Baphomet statue was unveiled at the Arkansas State Capitol in protest to the Ten Commandments on the same property. This may lead one to ask, Who or What is Baphomet? I will let Lewis Spence answer that:

Baphomet, by Lewis Spence 1920

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Baphomet: The goat-idol of the Templars and the deity of the sorcerers' Sabbath. The name is composed of three abbreviations: Tem. ohp. Ab, Templi omnium hominum pads abhas, "the father of the temple of universal peace among men." Some authorities hold that the Baphomet was a monstrous head, others that it was a demon in the form of a goat. An account of a veritable Baphometic idol is as follows: "A pantheistic and magical figure of the Absolute. The torch placed between the two horns, represents the equilbrating intelligence of the triad. The goat's head, which is synthetic, and unites some characteristics of the dog, bull, and ass, represents the exclusive responsibility of matter and the expiation of bodily sins in the body. The hands are human, to exhibit the sanctity of labour; they make the sign of esotericism above and below, to impress mystery on initiates, and they point at two lunar crescents, the upper being white and the lower black, to explain the correspondences of good and evil, mercy and justice. The lower part of the body is veiled, portraying the mysteries of universal generation, which is expressed solely by the symbol of the caduceus. The belly of the goat is scaled, and should be coloured green, the semicircle above should be blue; the plumage, reaching to the breast, should be of various hues. The goat has female breasts, and thus its only human characteristics are those of maternity and toil, otherwise the signs of redemption. On its forehead, between the horns and beneath the torch, is the sign of the microcosm, or the pentagram with one beam in the ascendant, symbol of human intelligence, which, placed thus below the torch, makes the flame of the latter an image of divine revelation. This Pantheos should be seated on a cube, and its footstool should be a single ball, or a ball and a triangular stool."


Wright (Narratives of Sorcery and Magic), writing on the Baphomet says:—" Another charge in the accusation of the Templars seems to have been to a great degree proved by the depositions of witnesses; the idol or head which they are said to have worshipped, but the real character or meaning of which we are totally unable to explain. Many Templars confessed to having seen this idol, but as they described it differently, we must suppose that it was not in all cases represented under the same form. Some said it was a frightful head, with long beard and sparkling eyes; others said it was a man's skull; some described it as having three faces; some said it was of wood, and others of metal; one witness described it as a painting (tabula picta) representing the image a man (imago hominis) and said that when it was shown to him, he was ordered to 'adore Christ, his creator.' According to some it was a gilt figure, either of wood or metal; while others described it as painted black and -white. According to another deposition, the idol had four feet, two before and two behind; the one belonging to the order at Paris, was said to be a silver head, with two faces and a beard. The novices of the order were told always to regard this idol as their saviour. Deodatus Jaffet, a knight from the south of France, who had been received at Pedenat, deposed that the person who in his case performed the ceremonies of reception, showed him a head or idol, which appeared to have three faces, and said, 'You must adore this as your saviour, and the saviour of the order of the Temple' and that he was made to worship the idol, saying, 'Blessed be he who shall save my soul.' Cettus Ragonis, a knight received at Rome in a chamber of the palace of the Lateran, gave a somewhat similar account. Many other witness s spoke of having seen these heads, which, however, were, perhaps, not shown to everybody, for the greatest number of those who spoke on this subject, said that they had heard speak of the head, but that they had fever seen it themselves; and many of them declared their disbelief in its existence. A friar minor deposed in England that an English Templar had assured him that in that country the order had four principal idols, one at London, in the Sacristy of the Temple, another at Bristelham, a third at Brueria (Bruern in Lincolnshire), and a fourth beyond the Humber.

"Some of the knights from the south added another circumstance in their confessions relating to this head. A templar of Florence, declared that, in the secret meetings of the chapters, one brother said to the others, showing them the idol, 'Adore this head. This head is your God and your Mahomet.' Another, Gauserand de Montpesant, said that the idol was made in the figure of Baffomet (in figurant Baffometi); and another, Raymond Rubei, described it as a wooden head, on which was painted the figure of Baphomet, and he adds, 'that he worshipped it by kissing its feet, and exclaiming Xalla,' which he describes as 'a word of the Saracens' (verbum Saracenorum). This has been seized upon by some as a proof that the Templars had secretly embraced Islam, as Baffomet or Baphomet is evidently a corruption of Mahomet; but it must not be forgotten that the Christians of the West constantly used the word Mahomet in the mere signification of an idol, and that it was the desire of those who conducted the prosecution against the Templars to show their intimate intercourse with the Saracens. Others, especially Von Hammer, gave a Greek derivation of the word, and assumed it as a proof that gnosticism was the secret doctrine of the temple. ..."

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Sunday, August 19, 2018

Geist’s Grave by Matthew Arnold (A Poem about a Dog)


Geist’s Grave by Matthew Arnold (1822–88)

FOUR years!—and didst thou stay above
The ground, which hides thee now, but four?
And all that life, and all that love,
Were crowded, Geist! into no more?

Only four years those winning ways,        
Which make me for thy presence yearn,
Call’d us to pet thee or to praise,
Dear little friend! at every turn?

That loving heart, that patient soul,
Had they indeed no longer span,        
To run their course, and reach their goal,
And read their homily to man?

That liquid, melancholy eye,
From whose pathetic, soul-fed springs
Seem’d urging the Virgilian cry,
The sense of tears in mortal things—

That steadfast, mournful strain, consol’d
By spirits gloriously gay,
And temper of heroic mould—
What, was four years their whole short day?        

Yes, only four!—and not the course
Of all the centuries yet to come,
And not the infinite resource
Of Nature, with her countless sum

Of figures, with her fulness vast        
Of new creation evermore,
Can ever quite repeat the past,
Or just thy little self restore.

Stern law of every mortal lot!
Which man, proud man, finds hard to bear,        
And builds himself I know not what
Of second life I know not where.

But thou, when struck thine hour to go,
On us, who stood despondent by,
A meek last glance of love didst throw,        
And humbly lay thee down to die.

Yet would we keep thee in our heart—
Would fix our favorite on the scene,
Nor let thee utterly depart
And be as if thou ne’er hadst been.        

And so there rise these lines of verse
On lips that rarely form them now;
While to each other we rehearse:
Such ways, such arts, such looks hadst thou!

We stroke thy broad brown paws again,        
We bid thee to thy vacant chair,
We greet thee by the window-pane,
We hear thy scuffle on the stair.

We see the flaps of thy large ears
Quick rais’d to ask which way we go;        
Crossing the frozen lake, appears
Thy small black figure on the snow!

Nor to us only art thou dear
Who mourn thee in thine English home;
Thou hast thine absent master’s tear,        
Dropp’d by the far Australian foam.

Thy memory lasts both here and there,
And thou shalt live as long as we.
And after that—thou dost not care!
In us was all the world to thee.        

Yet, fondly zealous for thy fame,
Even to a date beyond our own
We strive to carry down thy name,
By mounded turf, and graven stone.

We lay thee, close within our reach,        
Here, where the grass is smooth and warm,
Between the holly and the beech,
Where oft we watch’d thy couchant form,

Asleep, yet lending half an ear
To travellers on the Portsmouth road;—        
There build we thee, O guardian dear,
Mark’d with a stone, thy last abode!

Then some, who through this garden pass,
When we too, like thyself, are clay,
Shall see thy grave upon the grass,        
And stop before the stone, and say:

People who lived here long ago
Did by this stone, it seems, intend
To name for future times to know
The dachs-hound, Geist, their little friend.

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Saturday, August 18, 2018

How Poe Wrote THE RAVEN, In His Own Words


The initial consideration was that of extent. If any literary work is too long to be read at one sitting, we must be content to dispense with the immensely important effect derivable from unity of impression—for, if two sittings be required, the affairs of the world interfere, and everything like totality is at once destroyed. But since, ceteris paribus, no poet can afford to dispense with anything that may advance his design, it but remains to be seen whether there is, in extent, any advantage to counterbalance the loss of unity which attends it. Here I say No, at once. What we term a long poem is, in fact, merely a succession of brief ones—that is to say, of brief poetical effects. It is needless to demonstrate that a poem is such, only inasmuch as it intensely excites, by elevating, the soul; and all intense excitements are, through a psychal necessity, brief. For this reason, at least one-half of the “Paradise Lost” is essentially prose—a succession of poetical excitements interspersed, inevitably, with corresponding depressions—the whole being deprived, through the extremeness of its length, of the vastly important artistic element, totality, or unity, of effect.

It appears evident, then, that there is a distinct limit, as regards length, to all works of literary art—the limit of a single sitting—and that, although in certain classes of prose composition, such as “Robinson Crusoe” (demanding no unity), this limit may be advantageously overpassed, it can never properly be overpassed in a poem. Within this limit, the extent of a poem may be made to bear mathematical relation to its merit—in other words, to the excitement or elevation—again, in other words, to the degree of the true poetical effect which it is capable of inducing; for it is clear that the brevity must be in direct ratio to the intensity of the intended effect:—this, with one proviso—that a certain degree of duration is absolutely requisite for the production of any effect at all.

Holding in view these considerations, as well as that degree of excitement which I deemed not above the popular, while not below the critical, taste, I reached at once what I conceived the proper length for my intended poem—a length of about one hundred lines. It is, in fact, a hundred and eight.

My next thought concerned the choice of an impression, or effect, to be conveyed; and here I may as well observe that, throughout the construction, I kept steadily in view the design of rendering the work universally appreciable. I should be carried too far out of my immediate topic were I to demonstrate a point upon which I have repeatedly insisted, and which, with the poetical, stands not in the slightest need of demonstration—the point, I mean, that Beauty is the sole legitimate province of the poem. A few words, however, in elucidation of my real meaning, which some of my friends have evinced a disposition to misrepresent. That pleasure which is at once the most intense, the most elevating, and the most pure, is, I believe, found in the contemplation of the beautiful. When, indeed, men speak of Beauty, they mean, precisely, not a quality, as is supposed, but an effect; they refer, in short, just to that intense and pure elevation of soul—not of intellect, or of heart—upon which I have commented, and which is experienced in consequence of contemplating “the beautiful.” Now I designate Beauty as the province of the poem, merely because it is an obvious rule of Art that effects should be made to spring from direct causes—that objects should be attained through means best adapted for their attainment—no one as yet having been weak enough to deny that the peculiar elevation alluded to is most readily attained in the poem. Now the object, Truth, or the satisfaction of the intellect, and the object, Passion, or the excitement of the heart, are, although attainable, to a certain extent, in poetry, far more readily attainable in prose. Truth, in fact, demands a precision, and Passion a homeliness (the truly passionate will comprehend me) which are absolutely antagonistic to that Beauty which, I maintain, is the excitement, or pleasurable elevation, of the soul. It by no means follows from anything here said, that Passion, or even Truth, may not be introduced, and even profitably introduced, into a poem—for they may serve in elucidation, or aid the general effect, as do discords in music, by contrast—but the true artist will always contrive, first, to tone them into proper subservience to the predominant aim, and, secondly, to enveil them, as far as possible, in that Beauty which is the atmosphere and the essence of the poem.

Regarding, then, Beauty as my province, my next question referred to the tone of its highest manifestation—and all experience has shown that this tone is one of sadness. Beauty of whatever kind, in its supreme development, invariably excites the sensitive soul to tears. Melancholy is thus the most legitimate of all the poetical tones.

The length, the province, and the tone, being thus determined, I betook myself to ordinary induction, with the view of obtaining some artistic piquancy which might serve me as a keynote in the construction of the poem—some pivot upon which the whole structure might turn. In carefully thinking over all the usual artistic effects—or more properly points, in the theatrical sense—I did not fail to perceive immediately that no one had been so universally employed as that of the refrain. The universality of its employment sufficed to assure me of its intrinsic value, and spared me the necessity of submitting it to analysis. I considered it, however, with regard to its susceptibility of improvement, and soon saw it to be in a primitive condition. As commonly used, the refrain, or burden, not only is limited to lyric verse, but depends for its impression upon the force of monotone—both in sound and thought. The pleasure is deduced solely from the sense of identity—of repetition. I resolved to diversify, and so heighten, the effect, by adhering, in general, to the monotone of sound, while I continually varied that of thought: that is to say, I determined to produce continuously novel effects, by the variation of the application of the refrain—the refrain itself remaining, for the most part, unvaried.

These points being settled, I next bethought me of the nature of my refrain. Since its application was to be repeatedly varied, it was clear that the refrain itself must be brief, for there would have been an insurmountable difficulty in frequent variations of application in any sentence of length. In proportion to the brevity of the sentence, would, of course, be the facility of the variation. This led me at once to a single word as the best refrain.

The question now arose as to the character of the word.

Having made up my mind to a refrain, the division of the poem into stanzas was, of course, a corollary, the refrain forming the close of each stanza. That such a close, to have force, must be sonorous and susceptible of protracted emphasis, admitted no doubt; and these considerations inevitably led me to the long “o” as the most sonorous vowel, in connection with “r” as the most producible consonant.

The sound of the refrain being thus determined, it became necessary to select a word embodying this sound, and at the same time in the fullest possible keeping with that melancholy which I had predetermined as the tone of the poem. In such a search it would have been absolutely impossible to overlook the word “Nevermore.” In fact, it was the very first which presented itself.

The next desideratum was a pretext for the continuous use of the one word “Nevermore.” In observing the difficulty which I at once found in inventing a sufficiently plausible reason for its continuous repetition, I did not fail to perceive that this difficulty arose solely from the pre-assumption that the word was to be so continuously or monotonously spoken by a human being—I did not fail to perceive, in short, that the difficulty lay in the reconciliation of this monotony with the exercise of reason on the part of the creature repeating the word. Here, then, immediately arose the idea of a non-reasoning creature capable of speech; and, very naturally, a parrot, in the first instance, suggested itself, but was superseded forthwith by a Raven, as equally capable of speech, and infinitely more in keeping with the intended tone.

I had now gone so far as the conception of a Raven—the bird of ill omen—monotonously repeating the one word, “Nevermore,” at the conclusion of each stanza, in a poem of melancholy tone, and in length about one hundred lines. Now, never losing sight of the object supremeness, or perfection, at all points, I asked myself—“Of all melancholy topics, what, according to the universal understanding of mankind, is the most melancholy?” Death—was the obvious reply. “And when,” I said, “is this most melancholy of topics most poetical?” From what I have already explained at some length, the answer, here also, is obvious—“When it most closely allies itself to Beauty: the death, then, of a beautiful woman is, unquestionably, the most poetical topic in the world—and equally is it beyond doubt that the lips best suited for such topic are those of a bereaved lover.”

I had now to combine the two ideas, of a lover lamenting his deceased mistress and a Raven continuously repeating the word “Nevermore.” I had to combine these, bearing in mind my design of varying, at every turn, the application of the word repeated; but the only intelligible mode of such combination is that of imagining the Raven employing the word in answer to the queries of the lover. And here it was that I saw at once the opportunity afforded for the effect on which I had been depending—that is to say, the effect of the variation of application. I saw that I could make the first query propounded by the lover—the first query to which the Raven should reply “Nevermore”—that I could make this first query a commonplace one—the second less so—the third still less, and so on, until at length the lover—startled from his original nonchalance by the melancholy character of the word itself, by its frequent repetition, and by a consideration of the ominous reputation of the fowl that uttered it—is at length excited to superstition, and wildly propounds queries of a far different character—queries whose solution he has passionately at heart—propounds them half in superstition and half in that species of despair which delights in self-torture—propounds them not altogether because he believes in the prophetic or demoniac character of the bird (which, reason assures him, is merely repeating a lesson learned by rote) but because he experiences a phrenzied pleasure in so modeling his questions as to receive from the expected “Nevermore,” the most delicious because the most intolerable of sorrow. Perceiving the opportunity thus afforded me—or, more strictly, thus forced upon me in the progress of the construction—I first established in mind the climax, or concluding query—that query to which “Nevermore” should be in the last place an answer—that in reply to which this word “Nevermore” should involve the utmost conceivable amount of sorrow and despair.

Here, then, the poem may be said to have its beginning—at the end, where all works of art should begin—for it was here, at this point of my pre-considerations, that I first put pen to paper in the composition of the stanza:

“Prophet!” said I, “thing of evil!—prophet still, if bird or devil!
By that heaven that bends above us—by that God we both adore—
Tell this soul with sorrow laden if, within the distant Aidenn,
It shall clasp a sainted maiden whom the angels name Lenore—
Clasp a rare and radiant maiden whom the angels name Lenore.”
Quoth the Raven, “Nevermore.”

I composed this stanza, at this point, first that, by establishing the climax, I might the better vary and graduate, as regards seriousness and importance, the preceding queries of the lover; and, secondly, that I might definitely settle the rhythm, the meter, and the length and general arrangement of the stanza, as well as graduate the stanzas which were to precede, so that none of them might surpass this in rhythmical effect. Had I been able, in the subsequent composition, to construct more vigorous stanzas, I should, without scruple, have purposely enfeebled them, so as not to interfere with the climacteric effect.

And here I may as well say a few words of the versification. My first object (as usual) was originality. The extent to which this has been neglected, in versification, is one of the most unaccountable things in the world. Admitting that there is little possibility of variety in mere rhythm, it is still clear that the possible varieties of meter and stanza are absolutely infinite—and yet, for centuries, no man, in verse, has ever done, or ever seemed to think of doing, an original thing. The fact is, that originality (unless in minds of very unusual force) is by no means a matter, as some suppose, of impulse or intuition. In general, to be found, it must be elaborately sought, and although a positive merit of the highest class, demands in its attainment less of invention than negation.

Of course, I pretend to no originality in either the rhythm or meter of “The Raven.” The former is trochaic—the latter is octameter acatalectic, alternating with heptameter catalectic repeated in the refrain of the fifth verse, and terminating with tetrameter catalectic. Less pedantically—the feet employed throughout (trochees) consist of a long syllable followed by a short: the first line of the stanza consists of eight of these feet—the second of seven and a half (in effect two-thirds)—the third of eight—the fourth of seven and a half—the fifth the same—the sixth, three and a half. Now, each of these lines, taken individually, has been employed before, and what originality “The Raven” has, is in their combination into stanza: nothing even remotely approaching this combination has ever been attempted. The effect of this originality of combination is aided by other unusual and some altogether novel effects, arising from an extension of the application of the principles of rhyme and alliteration.

The next point to be considered was the mode of bringing together the lover and the Raven—and the first branch of this consideration was the locale. For this the most natural suggestion might seem to be a forest, or the fields—but it has always appeared to me that a close circumscription of space is absolutely necessary to the effect of insulated incident: it has the force of a frame to a picture. It has an indisputable moral power in keeping concentrated the attention, and, of course, must not be confounded with mere unity of place.

I determined, then, to place the lover in his chamber—in a chamber rendered sacred to him by memories of her who had frequented it. The room is represented as richly furnished—this, in mere pursuance of the ideas I have already explained on the subject of beauty as the sole true poetical thesis.

The locale being thus determined, I had now to introduce the bird—and the thought of introducing him through the window was inevitable. The idea of making the lover suppose, in the first instance, that the flapping of the wings of the bird against the shutter is a “tapping” at the door, originated in a wish to increase, by prolonging, the reader’s curiosity, and in a desire to admit the incidental effect arising from the lover’s throwing open the door, finding all dark, and thence adopting the half-fancy that it was the spirit of his mistress that knocked.

I made the night tempestuous, first, to account for the Raven’s seeking admission, and, secondly, for the effect of contrast with the (physical) serenity within the chamber.

I made the bird alight on the bust of Pallas, also for the effect of contrast between the marble and the plumage—it being understood that the bust was absolutely suggested by the bird—the bust of Pallas being chosen, first, as most in keeping with the scholarship of the lover, and, secondly, for the sonorousness of the word, Pallas, itself.

About the middle of the poem, also, I have availed myself of the force of contrast, with a view of deepening the ultimate impression. For example, an air of the fantastic—approaching as nearly to the ludicrous as was admissible—is given to the Raven’s entrance. He comes in “with many a flirt and flutter.”

Not the least obeisance made he; not a minute stopped or stayed he;
But, with mien of lord or lady, perched above my chamber door.

In the two stanzas which follow, the design is more obviously carried out:

Then this ebony bird beguiling my sad fancy into smiling.
By the grave and stern decorum of the countenance it wore,
“Though thy crest be shorn and shaven, thou,” I said, “art sure no craven,
Ghastly grim and ancient Raven wandering from the Nightly shore—
Tell me what thy lordly name is on the Night’s Plutonian shore!”
Quoth the Raven, “Nevermore.”

Much I marvelled this ungainly fowl to bear discourse so plainly,
Though its answer little meaning—little relevancy bore;
For we cannot help agreeing that no living human being
Ever yet was blessed with seeing bird above his chamber door—
Bird or beast upon the sculptured bust above his chamber door,
With such name as “Nevermore.”

The effect of the dénouement being thus provided for, I immediately drop the fantastic for a tone of the most profound seriousness—this tone commencing in the stanza directly following the one last quoted, with the line:

But the Raven, sitting lonely on that placid bust, spoke only, etc.

From this epoch the lover no longer jests—no longer sees anything even of the fantastic in the Raven’s demeanour. He speaks of him as a “grim, ungainly, ghastly, gaunt, and ominous bird of yore,” and feels the “fiery eyes” burning into his “bosom’s core.” This revolution of thought, or fancy, on the lover’s part, is intended to induce a similar one on the part of the reader—to bring the mind into a proper frame for the dénouement—which is now brought about as rapidly and as directly as possible.

With the dénouement proper—with the Raven’s reply, “Nevermore,” to the lover’s final demand if he shall meet his mistress in another world—the poem, in its obvious phase, that of a simple narrative, may be said to have its completion. So far, everything is within the limits of the accountable—of the real. A Raven, having learned by rote the single word, “Nevermore,” and having escaped from the custody of its owner, is driven at midnight, through the violence of a storm, to seek admission at a window from which a light still gleams,—the chamber-window of a student, occupied half in poring over a volume, half in dreaming of a beloved mistress deceased. The casement being thrown open at the fluttering of the bird’s wings, the bird itself perches on the most convenient seat out of the immediate reach of the student, who, amused by the incident and the oddity of the visitor’s demeanour, demands of it, in jest and without looking for a reply, its name. The Raven, addressed, answers with its customary word, “Nevermore,” a word which finds immediate echo in the melancholy heart of the student, who, giving utterance aloud to certain thoughts suggested by the occasion, is again startled by the fowl’s repetition of “Nevermore.” The student now guesses the state of the case, but is impelled, as I have before explained, by the human thirst for self-torture, and in part by superstition, to propound such queries to the bird as will bring him, the lover, the most of the luxury of sorrow, through the anticipated answer, “Nevermore.” With the indulgence, to the extreme, of this self-torture, the narration, in what I have termed its first or obvious phase, has a natural termination, and so far there has been no overstepping of the limits of the real.

But in subjects so handled, however skilfully, or with however vivid an array of incident, there is always a certain hardness or nakedness which repels the artistical eye. Two things are invariably required: first, some amount of complexity, or, more properly, adaptation; and, secondly, some amount of suggestiveness—some under-current, however indefinite, of meaning. It is this latter, in especial, which imparts to a work of art so much of that richness (to borrow from colloquy a forcible term) which we are too fond of confounding with the ideal. It is the excess of the suggested meaning—it is the rendering this the upper- instead of the under-current of the theme—which turns into prose (and that of the very flattest kind) the so-called poetry of the so-called transcendentalists.

Holding these opinions, I added the two concluding stanzas of the poem—their suggestiveness being thus made to pervade all the narrative which has preceded them. The under-current of meaning is rendered first apparent in the lines:

“Take thy beak from out my heart, and take thy form from off my door!”
Quoth the Raven, “Nevermore.”

It will be observed that the words, “from out my heart,” involve the first metaphorical expression in the poem. They, with the answer, “Nevermore,” dispose the mind to seek a moral in all that has been previously narrated. The reader begins now to regard the Raven as emblematical—but it is not until the very last line of the very last stanza, that the intention of making him emblematical of Mournful and Never-ending Remembrance is permitted distinctly to be seen:

And the Raven, never flitting, still is sitting, still is sitting
On the pallid bust of Pallas just above my chamber door;
And his eyes have all the seeming of a demon’s that is dreaming,
And the lamp-light o’er him streaming throws his shadow on the floor;
And my soul from out that shadow that lies floating on the floor
Shall be lifted—nevermore!