Wednesday, April 24, 2019

A School Story by M.R. James (A Haunting Tale)


Two men in a smoking-room were talking of their private-school days. 'At our school,' said A., 'we had a ghost's footmark on the staircase. What was it like? Oh, very unconvincing. Just the shape of a shoe, with a square toe, if I remember right. The staircase was a stone one. I never heard any story about the thing. That seems odd, when you come to think of it. Why didn't somebody invent one, I wonder?'

'You never can tell with little boys. They have a mythology of their own. There's a subject for you, by the way—"The Folklore of Private Schools".'

'Yes; the crop is rather scanty, though. I imagine, if you were to investigate the cycle of ghost stories, for instance, which the boys at private schools tell each other, they would all turn out to be highly-compressed versions of stories out of books.'

'Nowadays the Strand and Pearson's, and so on, would be extensively drawn upon.'

'No doubt: they weren't born or thought of in my time. Let's see. I wonder if I can remember the staple ones that I was told. First, there was the house with a room in which a series of people insisted on passing a night; and each of them in the morning was found kneeling in a corner, and had just time to say, "I've seen it," and died.'

'Wasn't that the house in Berkeley Square?'

'I dare say it was. Then there was the man who heard a noise in the passage at night, opened his door, and saw someone crawling towards him on all fours with his eye hanging out on his cheek. There was besides, let me think—Yes! the room where a man was found dead in bed with a horseshoe mark on his forehead, and the floor under the bed was covered with marks of horseshoes also; I don't know why. Also there was the lady who, on locking her bedroom door in a strange house, heard a thin voice among the bed-curtains say, "Now we're shut in for the night." None of those had any explanation or sequel. I wonder if they go on still, those stories.'

'Oh, likely enough—with additions from the magazines, as I said. You never heard, did you, of a real ghost at a private school? I thought not; nobody has that ever I came across.'

'From the way in which you said that, I gather that you have.'

'I really don't know; but this is what was in my mind. It happened at my private school thirty odd years ago, and I haven't any explanation of it.

'The school I mean was near London. It was established in a large and fairly old house—a great white building with very fine grounds about it; there were large cedars in the garden, as there are in so many of the older gardens in the Thames valley, and ancient elms in the three or four fields which we used for our games. I think probably it was quite an attractive place, but boys seldom allow that their schools possess any tolerable features.

'I came to the school in a September, soon after the year 1870; and among the boys who arrived on the same day was one whom I took to: a Highland boy, whom I will call McLeod. I needn't spend time in describing him: the main thing is that I got to know him very well. He was not an exceptional boy in any way—not particularly good at books or games—but he suited me.

'The school was a large one: there must have been from 120 to 130 boys there as a rule, and so a considerable staff of masters was required, and there were rather frequent changes among them.

'One term—perhaps it was my third or fourth—a new master made his appearance. His name was Sampson. He was a tallish, stoutish, pale, black-bearded man. I think we liked him: he had travelled a good deal, and had stories which amused us on our school walks, so that there was some competition among us to get within earshot of him. I remember too—dear me, I have hardly thought of it since then!—that he had a charm on his watch-chain that attracted my attention one day, and he let me examine it. It was, I now suppose, a gold Byzantine coin; there was an effigy of some absurd emperor on one side; the other side had been worn practically smooth, and he had had cut on it—rather barbarously—his own initials, G.W.S., and a date, 24 July, 1865. Yes, I can see it now: he told me he had picked it up in Constantinople: it was about the size of a florin, perhaps rather smaller.

'Well, the first odd thing that happened was this. Sampson was doing Latin grammar with us. One of his favourite methods—perhaps it is rather a good one—was to make us construct sentences out of our own heads to illustrate the rules he was trying to make us learn. Of course that is a thing which gives a silly boy a chance of being impertinent: there are lots of school stories in which that happens—or anyhow there might be. But Sampson was too good a disciplinarian for us to think of trying that on with him. Now, on this occasion he was telling us how to express remembering in Latin: and he ordered us each to make a sentence bringing in the verb memini, "I remember." Well, most of us made up some ordinary sentence such as "I remember my father," or "He remembers his book," or something equally uninteresting: and I dare say a good many put down memino librum meum, and so forth: but the boy I mentioned—McLeod—was evidently thinking of something more elaborate than that. The rest of us wanted to have our sentences passed, and get on to something else, so some kicked him under the desk, and I, who was next to him, poked him and whispered to him to look sharp. But he didn't seem to attend. I looked at his paper and saw he had put down nothing at all. So I jogged him again harder than before and upbraided him sharply for keeping us all waiting. That did have some effect. He started and seemed to wake up, and then very quickly he scribbled about a couple of lines on his paper, and showed it up with the rest. As it was the last, or nearly the last, to come in, and as Sampson had a good deal to say to the boys who had written meminiscimus patri meo and the rest of it, it turned out that the clock struck twelve before he had got to McLeod, and McLeod had to wait afterwards to have his sentence corrected. There was nothing much going on outside when I got out, so I waited for him to come. He came very slowly when he did arrive, and I guessed there had been some sort of trouble. "Well," I said, "what did you get?" "Oh, I don't know," said McLeod, "nothing much: but I think Sampson's rather sick with me." "Why, did you show him up some rot?" "No fear," he said. "It was all right as far as I could see: it was like this: Memento—that's right enough for remember, and it takes a genitive,—memento putei inter quatuor taxos." "What silly rot!" I said. "What made you shove that down? What does it mean?" "That's the funny part," said McLeod. "I'm not quite sure what it does mean. All I know is, it just came into my head and I corked it down. I know what I think it means, because just before I wrote it down I had a sort of picture of it in my head: I believe it means 'Remember the well among the four'—what are those dark sort of trees that have red berries on them?" "Mountain ashes, I s'pose you mean." "I never heard of them," said McLeod; "no, I'll tell you—yews." "Well, and what did Sampson say?" "Why, he was jolly odd about it. When he read it he got up and went to the mantelpiece and stopped quite a long time without saying anything, with his back to me. And then he said, without turning round, and rather quiet, 'What do you suppose that means?' I told him what I thought; only I couldn't remember the name of the silly tree: and then he wanted to know why I put it down, and I had to say something or other. And after that he left off talking about it, and asked me how long I'd been here, and where my people lived, and things like that: and then I came away: but he wasn't looking a bit well."

'I don't remember any more that was said by either of us about this. Next day McLeod took to his bed with a chill or something of the kind, and it was a week or more before he was in school again. And as much as a month went by without anything happening that was noticeable. Whether or not Mr Sampson was really startled, as McLeod had thought, he didn't show it. I am pretty sure, of course, now, that there was something very curious in his past history, but I'm not going to pretend that we boys were sharp enough to guess any such thing.

'There was one other incident of the same kind as the last which I told you. Several times since that day we had had to make up examples in school to illustrate different rules, but there had never been any row except when we did them wrong. At last there came a day when we were going through those dismal things which people call Conditional Sentences, and we were told to make a conditional sentence, expressing a future consequence. We did it, right or wrong, and showed up our bits of paper, and Sampson began looking through them. All at once he got up, made some odd sort of noise in his throat, and rushed out by a door that was just by his desk. We sat there for a minute or two, and then—I suppose it was incorrect—but we went up, I and one or two others, to look at the papers on his desk. Of course I thought someone must have put down some nonsense or other, and Sampson had gone off to report him. All the same, I noticed that he hadn't taken any of the papers with him when he ran out. Well, the top paper on the desk was written in red ink—which no one used—and it wasn't in anyone's hand who was in the class. They all looked at it—McLeod and all—and took their dying oaths that it wasn't theirs. Then I thought of counting the bits of paper. And of this I made quite certain: that there were seventeen bits of paper on the desk, and sixteen boys in the form. Well, I bagged the extra paper, and kept it, and I believe I have it now. And now you will want to know what was written on it. It was simple enough, and harmless enough, I should have said.

'"Si tu non veneris ad me, ego veniam ad te," which means, I suppose, "If you don't come to me, I'll come to you."'

'Could you show me the paper?' interrupted the listener.

'Yes, I could: but there's another odd thing about it. That same afternoon I took it out of my locker—I know for certain it was the same bit, for I made a finger-mark on it—and no single trace of writing of any kind was there on it. I kept it, as I said, and since that time I have tried various experiments to see whether sympathetic ink had been used, but absolutely without result.

'So much for that. After about half an hour Sampson looked in again: said he had felt very unwell, and told us we might go. He came rather gingerly to his desk and gave just one look at the uppermost paper: and I suppose he thought he must have been dreaming: anyhow, he asked no questions.

'That day was a half-holiday, and next day Sampson was in school again, much as usual. That night the third and last incident in my story happened.

'We—McLeod and I—slept in a dormitory at right angles to the main building. Sampson slept in the main building on the first floor. There was a very bright full moon. At an hour which I can't tell exactly, but some time between one and two, I was woken up by somebody shaking me. It was McLeod; and a nice state of mind he seemed to be in. "Come," he said,—"come! there's a burglar getting in through Sampson's window." As soon as I could speak, I said, "Well, why not call out and wake everybody up?" "No, no," he said, "I'm not sure who it is: don't make a row: come and look." Naturally I came and looked, and naturally there was no one there. I was cross enough, and should have called McLeod plenty of names: only—I couldn't tell why—it seemed to me that there was something wrong—something that made me very glad I wasn't alone to face it. We were still at the window looking out, and as soon as I could, I asked him what he had heard or seen. "I didn't hear anything at all," he said, "but about five minutes before I woke you, I found myself looking out of this window here, and there was a man sitting or kneeling on Sampson's window-sill, and looking in, and I thought he was beckoning." "What sort of man?" McLeod wriggled. "I don't know," he said, "but I can tell you one thing—he was beastly thin: and he looked as if he was wet all over: and," he said, looking round and whispering as if he hardly liked to hear himself, "I'm not at all sure that he was alive."

'We went on talking in whispers some time longer, and eventually crept back to bed. No one else in the room woke or stirred the whole time. I believe we did sleep a bit afterwards, but we were very cheap next day.

'And next day Mr Sampson was gone: not to be found: and I believe no trace of him has ever come to light since. In thinking it over, one of the oddest things about it all has seemed to me to be the fact that neither McLeod nor I ever mentioned what we had seen to any third person whatever. Of course no questions were asked on the subject, and if they had been, I am inclined to believe that we could not have made any answer: we seemed unable to speak about it.

'That is my story,' said the narrator. 'The only approach to a ghost story connected with a school that I know, but still, I think, an approach to such a thing.'

* * * * *

The sequel to this may perhaps be reckoned highly conventional; but a sequel there is, and so it must be produced. There had been more than one listener to the story, and, in the latter part of that same year, or of the next, one such listener was staying at a country house in Ireland.

One evening his host was turning over a drawer full of odds and ends in the smoking-room. Suddenly he put his hand upon a little box. 'Now,' he said, 'you know about old things; tell me what that is.' My friend opened the little box, and found in it a thin gold chain with an object attached to it. He glanced at the object and then took off his spectacles to examine it more narrowly. 'What's the history of this?' he asked. 'Odd enough,' was the answer. 'You know the yew thicket in the shrubbery: well, a year or two back we were cleaning out the old well that used to be in the clearing here, and what do you suppose we found?'

'Is it possible that you found a body?' said the visitor, with an odd feeling of nervousness.

'We did that: but what's more, in every sense of the word, we found two.'

'Good Heavens! Two? Was there anything to show how they got there? Was this thing found with them?'

'It was. Amongst the rags of the clothes that were on one of the bodies. A bad business, whatever the story of it may have been. One body had the arms tight round the other. They must have been there thirty years or more—long enough before we came to this place. You may judge we filled the well up fast enough. Do you make anything of what's cut on that gold coin you have there?'

'I think I can,' said my friend, holding it to the light (but he read it without much difficulty); 'it seems to be G.W.S., 24 July, 1865.'

Tuesday, April 23, 2019

The Problem of Socialist Management By Gustave Simonson


The Problem of Socialist Management By Gustave Simonson, M.A., M.D. 1900

Every organization of human beings for any purpose whatever naturally has some supervisory, administrative, and executive arrangement by which are conducted the various details and purposes for which the organization exists. It necessarily must also be so with socialism, which equally requires some administrative machinery of general management. The necessary work which would fall on the general administration, as well as on its numerous subordinate branches, would be something tremendous, thousands of times greater than the work done by any government or corporation at the present day.

Let us take a concise view of the multifarious duties of the socialistic management. Its necessary duties would be the following:—

1. To find out exactly what articles should be produced and what services rendered, both as regards quality and quantity, for a community of many millions.

2. To find out each would-be worker's capacity, and to give him such work as is fitted for him, and is socially required.

3. To see that each worker actually performs what can be reasonably required from him or what he is pledged to do; that no one steals, idles, or bungles; in other words, that the collective interests of the whole community shall be protected as much as possible against losses due to the possible dishonesty, incompetence, recklessness, or laziness of its individual members.

4. To apportion to the individual members of the community the rewards for their various kinds and amounts of social labor according to some basis of distribution; that is, to see that each contributor to the common stock of social utilities receives his proper share of food, clothing, shelter, and other commodities to be distributed from the community's storehouses for individual personal use and consumption. This is really the problem of values and wages for commodities and services.

It is no wonder that socialists spend all their energies in explaining and denouncing the wrongs and evils of the present system, and merely suggest the various duties incumbent on their socialistic community, while they studiously fight shy of explaining how their socialistic "co-operative commonwealth" is to carry out the necessary details of its business.

The imagination may run riot in conceiving some all-wise and all-virtuous human agency to perform all these various functions; but the imagination, in its flights of fancy, is not obliged to consider imperfections of human nature or of human ability. Common sense confronts the socialist with the practical question: Where on this planet can you find the ability and honesty necessary for the successful administration of such gigantic interests? And such collective interests and property estimated by any measure of value would amount, not to millions, but to billions.

Some system of electing the administration and the various heads and managers could doubtless be devised without insuperable difficulty. But what reason is there for supposing that there can exist anywhere the wisdom to conduct all the collective affairs and interests of a whole nation? At present the owners of wealth used in production have the greatest difficulty in finding talent and experience capable of successfully conducting business, and the larger the scale of operations the more rare is the talent requisite, and the higher is the price willingly accorded to it. A slight miscalculation often involves the loss and destruction of millions; and the bigger the interests involved, the bigger the losses. Fancy for a moment the scale of loss into which a mistake in the conduct of collective social industry would plunge the community, and mistakes would occur in all branches. At present losses are principally borne by those directly involved; under socialism, everybody would have to suffer not only from his own mistakes, but from the mistakes of everybody else. Socialists may calmly tell us: "Very well, then, a divided loss is felt less keenly, and the community would be merely the general insurer of each member." True enough, but the magnitude of the operations would involve a corresponding magnitude of mistakes and losses; and each honest man has a lurking feeling that he would like to suffer only his own losses, and no other person's. And if such a general insurance existed, some men who made the fewest mistakes would be constantly making up for the greater number of mistakes of others. Human nature kicks at such an unequal distribution of risks and responsibilities, in which one man indirectly is made to suffer disproportionately for his errors in favor of some one else more liable to them.

In fact, as soon as the magnitude of the labors of a socialistic administration is contemplated, the impossibility of finding the talent requisite for such tasks is apparent. Demi-gods could not cope with such work. Nor can socialists make any effective comparison with the large works now performed by the government, such as the management of a post-office or a railroad, or the maintenance of an army. As regards the post-office in all countries, and the railroad in some, their management is founded on the fact that government has a monopoly, can fix its own prices, and can practically force people to pay more than the service is worth under free competition; or by charging less than the rates would be under free enterprise, and then indirectly taxing the non-users of the same for this benefit to the users. Government monopoly means extortion and maximum cost to the consumer, regardless of the question whether free competition would make the burden lighter to him; or else it means a cheap service for those who use it, while the deficit is mainly made up out of the pockets of those tax-payers who use it least. Neither a government post-office nor a government railroad in any country lives in any other way. They are parasites on the productive powers of other industries, which contribute a sort of quasi-tax for their use, wholly apart from what would be the competitive market value of their services, in the same way as other monopolies. This quasi-tax from the rest of the industries is the difference between the present cost to the rest of the community of the service, and what would be the cost to the community under free competition which reduces the cost of anything to the consuming community to a minimum? Any government can run some branches of industry in this way provided the drain on the rest of the industries be not too great to be borne. But it cannot run all industries in this way, any more than two creatures can be parasites on each other, or two persons can tax each other for their mutual support.

Even if the requisite ability could be found to conduct the whole production and distribution of a community (and such ability does not exist on earth), it is difficult to conceive that the handling of such vast sums of wealth would not expose the administrative powers to very powerful and almost irresistible temptations. At present every owner of wealth keeps the sharpest eye on the fingers of everybody who handles it for him. Human nature is frail, and it is much less apt to lapse from grace when the gaze of an able and interested watcher is on it than when that watchfulness is weakened.

Even now governments everywhere are characterized by the minimum of intelligence requisite for their necessary work, by the constant tendencies toward incompetence, laziness, dishonesty, and wastefulness. These tendencies are natural because the sharp eye of individual private ownership is not on them, and collective ownership is never, and can never be, a good guardian of property. Every public official is in a tacit conspiracy with every other public official to get as much from the public, and to do as little for it, as possible. Above the natural market value of public services rendered by officials to the rest of the community, the community pays indirectly a heavy tax for their incompetence, laziness, dishonesty, and wastefulness.

Under socialism, in which the interests and properties managed by the higher officials would be multiplied a thousandfold, the opportunities for the frailties of human nature to play would be multiplied infinitely, and the ability of the community to watch over its collective interests effectively would be reduced to a mere shadow. The many thousands at the top of affairs would have to watch the conduct of the many millions at the bottom. Every man would have to watch the conduct of all other men; every group of officials would have to watch all other groups of officials; and every group of ordinary workers would have to watch all other groups of ordinary workers. This would be absolutely necessary to prevent human frailty from reaping unfair advantages for single individuals, and causing corresponding losses to the community from dishonesty, laziness, favoritism, incompetence, and wastefulness on the part of individual officials or workers. Can any man in his right senses, viewing human nature as it actually is, believe that such a wholesale mutual watchfulness is at all possible?

Socialists are either living in a dreamland or else they are waiting for the advent of a human being whose counterpart has not yet been seen on this planet. Their so-called "ethical man," who is unselfish, who is willing to labor for others, who will always do his duty, who will always take his fair share without hankering for more, who will suffer inconvenience for the sake of his neighbor, and who is endowed with a thousand other benevolent virtues, does not exist, and will only come with the millennium. He is about on a par with the so-called "economic man" of the older economists—the man who always seeks every possible advantage, and yields only so much as is absolutely forced from him. The latter is a monster of unscrupulous selfishness, while the former is a wonder of altruistic virtue, and both are about as typical of the human race as a Shylock or a Father Damien.

Monday, April 22, 2019

Why Johnny Still Can't Read

In 1955, prompted by the reading problems experienced by the child of a friend, Rudolf Flesch wrote the book Why Johnny Can't Read. The book became a huge bestseller and is still in print today.
Flesch realized that the reason many children were not learning to read was the method of reading instruction they were exposed to in school. Flesch called the popular method of his time the "look-say" method. The look-say method was just one of many whole word or whole language or word-guessing methods of teaching reading that have plagued students since the early 20th century.
Flesch advocated the teaching of phonics, a method that teaches children the common letter-sound correspondences of English words and a handful of rules they can use, which, together with the sounds, allows them to read the word.

Phonics advocates have always had to contend with the educational establishment.


Why Johnny Can't Read was one of the first shots fired in what later became known as the "Reading Wars," a series of public debates over how children best learn to read. And phonics advocates have always had to contend with the educational establishment.

In an attempt to settle the issue, the National Reading Panel was convened in 1999. The panel reviewed all of the research done on reading since 1966. They concluded that the best way to teach reading was through systematic phonics instruction.
Of course, the study affected the teaching in many schools, but teacher education programs largely went on as if nothing had happened, and the problems Flesch identified in 1955—and again in his 1981 book Why Johnny Still Can't Read—are still with us.

This is why it is so frustrating to read stories such as National Public Radio's recent "Why Millions of Kids Can't Read, and What Better Teaching Can Do about It," which tells the story of Bethlehem, PA, schools whose teachers were using demonstrably failed methods of teaching reading and basically propagating illiteracy.

In 2015, said NPR writer Emily Hanford, only 56 percent of Bethlehem students were proficient in reading, so Kim Harper was charged with finding out why.

The problem?

The teachers were talking about how students should attack words in a story. When a child came to a word she didn't know, the teacher would tell her to look at the picture and guess. They all had education degrees, but none of them had ever been taught how to teach children to read.


Word-guessing. The teachers apparently had no idea how to teach reading. They thought if they could just throw words at the students, they would figure it out. They all had education degrees, but none of them had ever been taught how to teach children to read.

That's right. It's 2019. We have been through countless iterations of the reading wars. The National Reading Panel has, for all practical purposes, settled the issue. But teacher colleges apparently never got the memo.

Leaders of the Bethlehem schools swung into action and fixed the problem. They now teach phonics, and so far, reading has improved.

But thousands of children are still languishing in schools that apparently don't know how to teach the most basic of all academic skills: reading.
Martin Cothran
Martin Cothran
Martin Cothran, the author of Memoria Press’ Traditional Logic, Material Logic and Classical Rhetoric programs, is an instructor of Latin, Logic, Rhetoric, and Classical Studies at Highlands Latin School.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Sunday, April 21, 2019

The Serpent as a Symbol in Medical Science


The Serpent as a Symbol in Medical Science

The modern conception of the relation between serpents and medical science is that, when a man sees snakes, he needs the services of a physician. The real connection between snakes and medicine is a historical one, however, and the reptile has been a symbol of the power of healing from earliest times. This idea is still typified by the presence of serpents on the emblems which symbolize modern medicine, as the knotted rod of Aesculapius and the caduceus of the army insignia.

In ancient civilizations, serpents were worshipped as gods. Evidences of ophiolatry, or serpent worship, have been found in the excavations among the ruins of ancient Egypt, Babylonia, Crete, Greece, and Peru. Modern Egyptians still regard snakes with something more than mere respect, and in India, Naga, the serpent and Guga, the snake god, have many followers to this day. Prominent in India, in the middle of the nineteenth century, was the Dahomey Cult of snake worshipers, whose counterpart on this side of the ocean is the Voodoo religion of Haiti.

Originally, the serpent was a representative of wealth, but in time it came to signify culture in general. It was famed for its shrewdness and was supposed to know of certain roots which could bring life to its dead. Since it changed its skin once a year, it was thought to do this to purify itself. In Syria and Palestine, serpents were associated with wells, springs, and rivers. Many of these aqueous

habitats of serpents were believed to possess medicinal properties and this fact, together with those others enumerated above, gradually produced the idea that serpents had healing power. Folk lore is replete with legends of cures effected by snakes, especially by grateful ones. Cadmus who, mythology relates, gave us the alphabet, was said to have been turned into a serpent in order that he might cure human ills.

Serpents seem to have played an important role in early Grecian medicine, as practically every statue of Aesculapius, the god of medicine, is adorned with such a one in some sort of graceful posture. Aesculapius was the son of Apollo and the father of Hygeia, the goddess of health, and also of Panakeia, whose name has come down to us in the English "Panacea." He derived his medical knowledge from Chiron, the Centaur, and not from his father, who is often called the god of medicine. It is probable that Aesculapius was a real human being, because the Greeks often deified those who conferred great benefits upon humanity, but the history of that period (about 1200 B. C.) is so involved with mythology that this point is not certain. In Homer's "Iliad," he is not mentioned as a god and Pindar, the poet, did not call him a god, though he was publicly deified in 430 B. C, in Athens. Hippocrates was supposed to be a lineal descendant of Aesculapius.



The significance of the serpents on the statues of Aesculapius is explained by the fact that they were then accepted as the symbols of the art of the physician. In some cases, they are vipers and in others of the non-poisonous type. When the snake was poisonous, it was often close to the hand of Aesculapius where a fatal bite could easily have been inflicted, but the master physician's countenance seems undisturbed and, possibly, the sculptor intended to convey the impression that even a snakebite could be cured by his art. In the statues of Hygeia, the serpent is frequently depicted as drinking from a saucer in her hand. It has been suggested that this act meant that, wise as was the serpent, he still could gain knowledge by imbibing from the cup of Aesculapius. A seated figure of Hygeia has been adopted as the emblem of the American Public Health Association.

The disciples of Aesculapius founded a number of temples in Greece and her colonies where they practised the healing art. In all of these places, reptiles were kept and tradition has it that, in time of great epidemics, Hygeia would emerge from the temple at Epidaurus and, by deftly waving the sacred serpent, would cause the pestilence to be dispelled. A serpent was sent from this temple to Rome to cure the plague. At one time, Aesculapius himself went from Epidaurus to the shrine at Sicyon in the form of a serpent. The temple of the earth goddess, Bona Dea, at Aventine, also contained a choice variety of snakes for medicinal purposes. Constantinople was protected by a serpent trophy taken from Delphi by the emperor Constantine.

The caduceus has been mentioned as the emblem of the United States army medical department. Just why this was adopted, is not known, although serpents form a part of it. The emblem is adopted from the magic wand of Apollo, who was the giver of life to the dead and conveyor of disembodied spirits to the lower regions. While traveling in Arcadia, he came upon two serpents engaged in mortal combat and separated them with his olive staff, which consequently became the symbol of peace. This staff was decorated with fillets of ribbons, but these were replaced by the serpents in a position of coitus, denoting reproduction and plenty. The Greek Apollo, or Hermes, corresponded to the Roman Mercury, messenger of the gods, and the wings on the staff were added as the sign of Mercury. The connection of medicine and mercury needs no elaboration here. Mercury was the god of commerce, and not of medicine, although Apollo has often been called a physician by the Greeks. The knotted rod of Aesculapius entwined with a serpent has often been urged as the only true symbol of medical science.

James A. Tobey.

Friday, April 19, 2019

12 H.L. Mencken Quotes on Government, Democracy, and Politicians

mencken

September 12th is H.L. Mencken’s birthday. The “Sage of Baltimore” (pictured above) was born in 1880 and is regarded by many as one of the most influential American journalists, essayists, and writers of the early 20th century. To recognize the great political writer on his birthday, here are 12 of my favorite Mencken quotes:
  1. Every election is a sort of advance auction sale of stolen goods.
  2. A good politician is quite as unthinkable as an honest burglar.
  3. A politician is an animal which can sit on a fence and yet keep both ears to the ground.
  4. Democracy is a pathetic belief in the collective wisdom of individual ignorance.
  5. Democracy is also a form of worship. It is the worship of jackals by jackasses.
  6. Democracy is the art and science of running the circus from the monkey cage.
  7. Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard.
  8. Every decent man is ashamed of the government he lives under.
  9. If a politician found he had cannibals among his constituents, he would promise them missionaries for dinner.
  10. For every complex problem there is an answer that is clear, simple, and wrong.
  11. The whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace alarmed (and hence clamorous to be led to safety) by menacing it with an endless series of hobgoblins, all of them imaginary.
  12. As democracy is perfected, the office of the president represents, more and more closely, the inner soul of the people. We move toward a lofty ideal. On some great and glorious day, the plain folks of the land will reach their heart’s desire at last, and the White House will be adorned by a downright moron.
You can find more great Mencken quotes here.

Mark J. Perry
Mark J. Perry
Mark J. Perry is a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a professor of economics and finance at the University of Michigan’s Flint campus.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Saturday, April 13, 2019

“I Believe in Freedom of Expression, but…”


The period between 1980 and 2003 was characterized by an unprecedented development towards democracy, strong institutions, and acknowledgment of human rights. Thus, dictators and authoritarian leaders around world loosened their iron grip on the press and citizens’ right “to know, to utter and to argue freely according to conscience,” as put forward by English poet John Milton in 1644.

Since 2003, however, freedom of expression has suffered multifarious limitations. According to Freedom House, only 13 percent of the world’s population enjoys a free press. Ignited in 2004, the global decline in press freedom has spread like a wildfire, and the number of countries with a free press has decreased by 10 percentage points. Concurrently, well-established democracies are calling for desperate measures to deal with the predicament of balancing civil liberties and national security. To make things worse, guarding against fake news and an emerging demand for shielding minorities against hate speech are gaining support.

On a global basis, the support for freedom of speech is relatively high. People generally consider it a fundamental right to criticize governments and politicians, but when it comes to minorities, the support for free speech vanishes. For instance, a survey conducted by The Varkey Foundation shows that only 49 percent of “Generation Z” believe that people should have the right to speak offensively to minority groups, while only 46 percent of Europeans think that people should be able to publish statements offensive to minorities.
The idea that hateful speech incites violence does not prove correct when examined carefully.


Thus, when talking about freedom of expression, it seems like the prevailing attitude translates into: “I believe in freedom of speech, but…” Nevertheless, this unenthusiastic backing for free speech is highly perilous and allows for governments to restrain freedom of expression in several cases. The reason, it appears, is that a majority of people believe that hateful speech incites violence and conflict. Therefore, governments, companies, and organizations must censor offensive speech. Yet, there is no reason to believe that censorship will improve anything.

On the contrary, the idea that hateful speech incites violence does not prove correct when examined carefully. First of all, is it highly doubtful that hateful speech will encourage others to engage in acts of violence simply because they were exposed to hate speech? Individuals are rational and independent, and the idea that offensive words will drive people to act unlawfully because of offensive words is fallacious. On the other hand, it is likely that hate speech will provoke feelings in people who are already willing to engage in criminal conduct.

Evidence from Rwanda shows that there is not much reason to believe that people are incited to act violently merely because of hate speech. The study finds no significant effect from the state-led Radio Rwanda which propagated hateful messages about the persecuted Tutsis. Another study shows similar results. The author finds that many of the convicted perpetrators of the genocide did not listen to Radio Rwanda.
If, however, we accept that various precautions and curtailments are necessary to preserve diversity and a flourishing democracy, what would the consequences be?
By silencing radical and dissenting viewpoints, European states have fostered an environment of discontent among the silenced.


Restricting freedom of speech in order to protect minorities has already been attempted in several countries. The effects from Europe have, in large, been arbitrary convictions and persecution of offensive statements aimed at people criticizing Islam. Moreover, by silencing radical and dissenting viewpoints, European states have fostered an environment of discontent among the silenced. By legally prosecuting “wrong” viewpoints, extremists will consider themselves as minorities persecuted by an elite. This is backed by a study on right-wing terrorism in which the author concludes that public repression might have fueled extreme right violence.


On a smaller scale, various online platforms have already implemented censorship in order to protect minorities from offensive speech. The results yielded by such efforts seems, however, to be small, if not counterproductive. For instance, Reddit launched a ban on two subreddits particularly known for their offensive language and hateful content. When Reddit decided to ban r/fatpeoplehate and r/CoonTown in 2015, Reddit indeed achieved their objective. But what about the overall effect of the ban? A 2017 study shows that while Reddit did reduce controversial content, people simply fled to other sites to publish hateful content. This resonates with results from a UNESCO study indicating that banning “trolls” will just make them show up elsewhere.
Our observations undertaken here suggest that silencing hateful speech—regardless of the measures—is often unsuccessful or even counterproductive. On this background, we should remember why freedom of expression is so important and why we should cherish this freedom.
For, as numerous scholars have shown, freedom of expression correlates with better protection of human rights, higher GDP, less violence and lower corruption. Finally, repression of freedom of speech has—in a historical perspective—been the most desired instrument for governments and dictators around the world to retain impoverished people in obedience.
Filip Steffensen
Filip Steffensen
Filip Steffensen studies political science at Aarhus University, Denmark. He is affiliated with various domestic organizations promoting classical liberalism and is a representation of Liberal Alliance Youth. He is 21 years old. 
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.

Friday, April 12, 2019

Schopenhauer's Worst Of All Possible Worlds


By Carrie Elizabeth Logan (The Psychology of Schopenhauer in Its Relation to His System of Metaphysics 1903)

Schopenhauer determined the value of the world in terms of feeling. He pronounced the world to be the worst of all possible worlds. It is founded on pain. The first and last expression of objectified will is pain. The world ought not to exist. Only a blind will would objectify itself. A will accompanied by knowledge "needs optimism" as an excuse for its appearance Man, instead of being called to account for the way in which he has spent this miserable existence, should demand why he was drawn forth from the quiet of the Nothing.

"What! out of senseless Nothing to provoke
A conscious Something to resent the yoke
Of unpermitted Pleasure, under pain
Of Everlasting Penalities, if broke."

It is a world of unrelieved misery from the cradle to the grave. The suffering is heightened in man by the gift of knowledge. Yet there are some who would apply the concept good to this Hades in which we dwell.

The optimism of the philosopher, Leibnitz, "conflicts with the palpable misery of existence". The world was created by a wise and good God. It is therefore the best of all possible worlds. The best world is the most orderly, harmonious, and beautiful. Hence the world in which we live must be the most orderly, as to the relations of its parts and activities, the most harmonious, as to design and finish, the most beautiful in its manifestation.

To Schopenhauer optimism is a "really wicked way of thinking, as a bitter mockery of the unspeakable suffering of humanity."

Life flows continually between willing and obtaining. To will is pain, because willing arises from want, deficiency, therefore pain. To take a different view; willing is the putting forth of activity. There is pleasure in willing. Craving is not necessarily painful. "A specific type of life and the exercise of the same is the real aim of all life and striving."

Wednesday, April 10, 2019

The Horror in the Tapestried Chamber by Sir Walter Scott


The Tapestried Chamber by Sir Walter Scott

As published in The Keepsake Stories 1828

The following narrative is given from the pen, so far as memory permits, in the same character in which it was presented to the author’s ear; nor has he claim to further praise, or to be more deeply censured, than in proportion to the good or bad judgment which he has employed in selecting his materials, as he has studiously avoided any attempt at ornament which might interfere with the simplicity of the tale.

At the same time, it must be admitted that the particular class of stories which turns on the marvellous possesses a stronger influence when told than when committed to print. The volume taken up at noonday, though rehearsing the same incidents, conveys a much more feeble impression than is achieved by the voice of the speaker on a circle of fireside auditors, who hang upon the narrative as the narrator details the minute incidents which serve to give it authenticity, and lowers his voice with an affectation of mystery while he approaches the fearful and wonderful part. It was with such advantages that the present writer heard the following events related, more than twenty years since, by the celebrated Miss Seward of Litchfield, who, to her numerous accomplishments, added, in a remarkable degree, the power of narrative in private conversation. In its present form the tale must necessarily lose all the interest which was attached to it by the flexible voice and intelligent features of the gifted narrator. Yet still, read aloud to an undoubting audience by the doubtful light of the closing evening, or in silence by a decaying taper, and amidst the solitude of a half-lighted apartment, it may redeem its character as a good ghost story. Miss Seward always affirmed that she had derived her information from an authentic source, although she suppressed the names of the two persons chiefly concerned. I will not avail myself of any particulars I may have since received concerning the localities of the detail, but suffer them to rest under the same general description in which they were first related to me; and for the same reason I will not add to or diminish the narrative by any circumstance, whether more or less material, but simply rehearse, as I heard it, a story of supernatural terror.

About the end of the American war, when the officers of Lord Cornwallis’s army, which surrendered at Yorktown, and others, who had been made prisoners during the impolitic and ill-fated controversy, were returning to their own country, to relate their adventures, and repose themselves after their fatigues, there was amongst them a general officer, to whom Miss S. gave the name of Browne, but merely, as I understood, to save the inconvenience of introducing a nameless agent in the narrative. He was an officer of merit, as well as a gentleman of high consideration for family and attainments.

Some business had carried General Browne upon a tour through the western counties, when, in the conclusion of a morning stage, he found himself in the vicinity of a small country town, which presented a scene of uncommon beauty, and of a character peculiarly English.

The little town, with its stately old church, whose tower bore testimony to the devotion of ages long past, lay amidst pastures and cornfields of small extent, but bounded and divided with hedgerow timber of great age and size. There were few marks of modern improvement. The environs of the place intimated neither the solitude of decay nor the bustle of novelty; the houses were old, but in good repair; and the beautiful little river murmured freely on its way to the left of the town, neither restrained by a dam nor bordered by a towing-path.

Upon a gentle eminence, nearly a mile to the southward of the town, were seen, amongst many venerable oaks and tangled thickets, the turrets of a castle as old as the walls of York and Lancaster, but which seemed to have received important alterations during the age of Elizabeth and her successor, It had not been a place of great size; but whatever accommodation it formerly afforded was, it must be supposed, still to be obtained within its walls. At least, such was the inference which General Browne drew from observing the smoke arise merrily from several of the ancient wreathed and carved chimney-stalks. The wall of the park ran alongside of the highway for two or three hundred yards; and through the different points by which the eye found glimpses into the woodland scenery, it seemed to be well stocked. Other points of view opened in succession—now a full one of the front of the old castle, and now a side glimpse at its particular towers, the former rich in all the bizarrerie of the Elizabethan school, while the simple and solid strength of other parts of the building seemed to show that they had been raised more for defence than ostentation.

Delighted with the partial glimpses which he obtained of the castle through the woods and glades by which this ancient feudal fortress was surrounded, our military traveller was determined to inquire whether it might not deserve a nearer view, and whether it contained family pictures or other objects of curiosity worthy of a stranger’s visit, when, leaving the vicinity of the park, he rolled through a clean and well-paved street, and stopped at the door of a well-frequented inn.

Before ordering horses, to proceed on his journey, General Browne made inquiries concerning the proprietor of the chateau which had so attracted his admiration, and was equally surprised and pleased at hearing in reply a nobleman named, whom we shall call Lord Woodville. How fortunate! Much of Browne’s early recollections, both at school and at college, had been connected with young Woodville, whom, by a few questions, he now ascertained to be the same with the owner of this fair domain. He had been raised to the peerage by the decease of his father a few months before, and, as the General learned from the landlord, the term of mourning being ended, was now taking possession of his paternal estate in the jovial season of merry, autumn, accompanied by a select party of friends, to enjoy the sports of a country famous for game.

This was delightful news to our traveller. Frank Woodville had been Richard Browne’s fag at Eton, and his chosen intimate at Christ Church; their pleasures and their tasks had been the same; and the honest soldier’s heart warmed to find his early friend in possession of so delightful a residence, and of an estate, as the landlord assured him with a nod and a wink, fully adequate to maintain and add to his dignity. Nothing was more natural than that the traveller should suspend a journey, which there was nothing to render hurried, to pay a visit to an old friend under such agreeable circumstances.

The fresh horses, therefore, had only the brief task of conveying the General’s travelling carriage to Woodville Castle. A porter admitted them at a modern Gothic lodge, built in that style to correspond with the castle itself, and at the same time rang a bell to give warning of the approach of visitors. Apparently the sound of the bell had suspended the separation of the company, bent on the various amusements of the morning; for, on entering the court of the chateau, several young men were lounging about in their sporting dresses, looking at and criticizing the dogs which the keepers held in readiness to attend their pastime. As General Browne alighted, the young lord came to the gate of the hall, and for an instant gazed, as at a stranger, upon the countenance of his friend, on which war, with its fatigues and its wounds, had made a great alteration. But the uncertainty lasted no longer than till the visitor had spoken, and the hearty greeting which followed was such as can only be exchanged betwixt those who have passed together the merry days of careless boyhood or early youth.

“If I could have formed a wish, my dear Browne,” said Lord Woodville, “it would have been to have you here, of all men, upon this occasion, which my friends are good enough to hold as a sort of holiday. Do not think you have been unwatched during the years you have been absent from us. I have traced you through your dangers, your triumphs, your misfortunes, and was delighted to see that, whether in victory or defeat, the name of my old friend was always distinguished with applause.”

The General made a suitable reply, and congratulated his friend on his new dignities, and the possession of a place and domain so beautiful.

“Nay, you have seen nothing of it as yet,” said Lord Woodville, “and I trust you do not mean to leave us till you are better acquainted with it. It is true, I confess, that my present party is pretty large, and the old house, like other places of the kind, does not possess so much accommodation as the extent of the outward walls appears to promise. But we can give you a comfortable old-fashioned room, and I venture to suppose that your campaigns have taught you to be glad of worse quarters.”

The General shrugged his shoulders, and laughed. “I presume,” he said, “the worst apartment in your chateau is considerably superior to the old tobacco-cask in which I was fain to take up my night’s lodging when I was in the Bush, as the Virginians call it, with the light corps. There I lay, like Diogenes himself, so delighted with my covering from the elements, that I made a vain attempt to have it rolled on to my next quarters; but my commander for the time would give way to no such luxurious provision, and I took farewell of my beloved cask with tears in my eyes.”

“Well, then, since you do not fear your quarters,” said Lord Woodville, “you will stay with me a week at least. Of guns, dogs, fishing-rods, flies, and means of sport by sea and land, we have enough and to spare—you cannot pitch on an amusement but we will find the means of pursuing it. But if you prefer the gun and pointers, I will go with you myself, and see whether you have mended your shooting since you have been amongst the Indians of the back settlements.”

The General gladly accepted his friendly host’s proposal in all its points. After a morning of manly exercise, the company met at dinner, where it was the delight of Lord Woodville to conduce to the display of the high properties of his recovered friend, so as to recommend him to his guests, most of whom were persons of distinction. He led General Browne to speak of the scenes he had witnessed; and as every word marked alike the brave officer and the sensible man, who retained possession of his cool judgment under the most imminent dangers, the company looked upon the soldier with general respect, as on one who had proved himself possessed of an uncommon portion of personal courage—that attribute of all others of which everybody desires to be thought possessed.

The day at Woodville Castle ended as usual in such mansions. The hospitality stopped within the limits of good order. Music, in which the young lord was a proficient, succeeded to the circulation of the bottle; cards and billiards, for those who preferred such amusements, were in readiness; but the exercise of the morning required early hours, and not long after eleven o’clock the guests began to retire to their several apartments.

The young lord himself conducted his friend, General Browne, to the chamber destined for him, which answered the description he had given of it, being comfortable, but old-fashioned, The bed was of the massive form used in the end of the seventeenth century, and the curtains of faded silk, heavily trimmed with tarnished gold. But then the sheets, pillows, and blankets looked delightful to the campaigner, when he thought of his “mansion, the cask.” There was an air of gloom in the tapestry hangings, which, with their worn-out graces, curtained the walls of the little chamber, and gently undulated as the autumnal breeze found its way through the ancient lattice window, which pattered and whistled as the air gained entrance. The toilet, too, with its mirror, turbaned after the manner of the beginning of the century, with a coiffure of murrey-coloured silk, and its hundred strange-shaped boxes, providing for arrangements which had been obsolete for more than fifty years, had an antique, and in so far a melancholy, aspect. But nothing could blaze more brightly and cheerfully than the two large wax candles; or if aught could rival them, it was the flaming, bickering fagots in the chimney, that sent at once their gleam and their warmth through the snug apartment, which, notwithstanding the general antiquity of its appearance, was not wanting in the least convenience that modern habits rendered either necessary or desirable.


“This is an old-fashioned sleeping apartment, General,” said the young lord; “but I hope you find nothing that makes you envy your old tobacco-cask.”

“I am not particular respecting my lodgings,” replied the General; “yet were I to make any choice, I would prefer this chamber by many degrees to the gayer and more modern rooms of your family mansion. Believe me that, when I unite its modern air of comfort with its venerable antiquity, and recollect that it is your lordship’s property, I shall feel in better quarters here than if I were in the best hotel London could afford.”

“I trust—I have no doubt—that you will find yourself as comfortable as I wish you, my dear General,” said the young nobleman; and once more bidding his guest good-night, he shook him by the hand, and withdrew.

The General once more looked round him, and internally congratulating himself on his return to peaceful life, the comforts of which were endeared by the recollection of the hardships and dangers he had lately sustained, undressed himself, and prepared for a luxurious night’s rest.

Here, contrary to the custom of this species of tale, we leave the General in possession of his apartment until the next morning.

The company assembled for breakfast at an early hour, but without the appearance of General Browne, who seemed the guest that Lord Woodville was desirous of honouring above all whom his hospitality had assembled around him. He more than once expressed surprise at the General’s absence, and at length sent a servant to make inquiry after him. The man brought back information that General Browne had been walking abroad since an early hour of the morning, in defiance of the weather, which was misty and ungenial.

“The custom of a soldier,” said the young nobleman to his friends. “Many of them acquire habitual vigilance, and cannot sleep after the early hour at which their duty usually commands them to be alert.”

Yet the explanation which Lord Woodville thus offered to the company seemed hardly satisfactory to his own mind, and it was in a fit of silence and abstraction that he waited the return of the General. It took place near an hour after the breakfast bell had rung. He looked fatigued and feverish. His hair, the powdering and arrangement of which was at this time one of the most important occupations of a man’s whole day, and marked his fashion as much as in the present time the tying of a cravat, or the want of one, was dishevelled, uncurled, void of powder, and dank with dew. His clothes were huddled on with a careless negligence, remarkable in a military man, whose real or supposed duties are usually held to include some attention to the toilet; and his looks were haggard and ghastly in a peculiar degree.

“So you have stolen a march upon us this morning, my dear General,” said Lord Woodville; “or you have not found your bed so much to your mind as I had hoped and you seemed to expect. How did you rest last night?”

“Oh, excellently well! remarkably well! never better in my life,” said General Browne rapidly, and yet with an air of embarrassment which was obvious to his friend. He then hastily swallowed a cup of tea, and neglecting or refusing whatever else was offered, seemed to fall into a fit of abstraction.

“You will take the gun to-day, General?” said his friend and host, but had to repeat the question twice ere he received the abrupt answer, “No, my lord; I am sorry I cannot have the opportunity of spending another day with your lordship; my post horses are ordered, and will be here directly.”

All who were present showed surprise, and Lord Woodville immediately replied “Post horses, my good friend! What can you possibly want with them when you promised to stay with me quietly for at least a week?”

“I believe,” said the General, obviously much embarrassed, “that I might, in the pleasure of my first meeting with your lordship, have said something about stopping here a few days; but I have since found it altogether impossible.”

“That is very extraordinary,” answered the young nobleman. “You seemed quite disengaged yesterday, and you cannot have had a summons to-day, for our post has not come up from the town, and therefore you cannot have received any letters.”

General Browne, without giving any further explanation, muttered something about indispensable business, and insisted on the absolute necessity of his departure in a manner which silenced all opposition on the part of his host, who saw that his resolution was taken, and forbore all further importunity.

“At least, however,” he said, “permit me, my dear Browne, since go you will or must, to show you the view from the terrace, which the mist, that is now rising, will soon display.”

He threw open a sash-window, and stepped down upon the terrace as he spoke. The General followed him mechanically, but seemed little to attend to what his host was saying, as, looking across an extended and rich prospect, he pointed out the different objects worthy of observation. Thus they moved on till Lord Woodville had attained his purpose of drawing his guest entirely apart from the rest of the company, when, turning round upon him with an air of great solemnity, he addressed him thus:—

“Richard Browne, my old and very dear friend, we are now alone. Let me conjure you to answer me upon the word of a friend, and the honour of a soldier. How did you in reality rest during last night?”

“Most wretchedly indeed, my lord,” answered the General, in the same tone of solemnity—“so miserably, that I would not run the risk of such a second night, not only for all the lands belonging to this castle, but for all the country which I see from this elevated point of view.”

“This is most extraordinary,” said the young lord, as if speaking to himself; “then there must be something in the reports concerning that apartment.” Again turning to the General, he said, “For God’s sake, my dear friend, be candid with me, and let me know the disagreeable particulars which have befallen you under a roof, where, with consent of the owner, you should have met nothing save comfort.”

The General seemed distressed by this appeal, and paused a moment before he replied. “My dear lord,” he at length said, “what happened to me last night is of a nature so peculiar and so unpleasant, that I could hardly bring myself to detail it even to your lordship, were it not that, independent of my wish to gratify any request of yours, I think that sincerity on my part may lead to some explanation about a circumstance equally painful and mysterious. To others, the communication I am about to make, might place me in the light of a weak-minded, superstitious fool, who suffered his own imagination to delude and bewilder him; but you have known me in childhood and youth, and will not suspect me of having adopted in manhood the feelings and frailties from which my early years were free.” Here he paused, and his friend replied,—

“Do not doubt my perfect confidence in the truth of your communication, however strange it may be,” replied Lord Woodville. “I know your firmness of disposition too well, to suspect you could be made the object of imposition, and am aware that your honour and your friendship will equally deter you from exaggerating whatever you may have witnessed.”

“Well, then,” said the General, “I will proceed with my story as well as I can, relying upon your candour, and yet distinctly feeling that I would rather face a battery than recall to my mind the odious recollections of last night.”

He paused a second time, and then perceiving that Lord Woodville remained silent and in an attitude of attention, he commenced, though not without obvious reluctance, the history of his night’s adventures in the Tapestried Chamber.

“I undressed and went to bed so soon as your lordship left me yesterday evening; but the wood in the chimney, which nearly fronted my bed, blazed brightly and cheerfully, and, aided by a hundred exciting recollections of my childhood and youth, which had been recalled by the unexpected pleasure of meeting your lordship, prevented me from falling immediately asleep. I ought, however, to say that these reflections were all of a pleasant and agreeable kind, grounded on a sense of having for a time exchanged the labour, fatigues, and dangers of my profession for the enjoyments of a peaceful life, and the reunion of those friendly and affectionate ties which I had torn asunder at the rude summons of war.

“While such pleasing reflections were stealing over my mind, and gradually lulling me to slumber, I was suddenly aroused by a sound like that of the rustling of a silken gown, and the tapping of a pair of high-heeled shoes, as if a woman were walking in the apartment. Ere I could draw the curtain to see what the matter was, the figure of a little woman passed between the bed and the fire. The back of this form was turned to me, and I could observe, from the shoulders and neck, it was that of an old woman, whose dress was an old-fashioned gown, which I think ladies call a sacque—that is, a sort of robe completely loose in the body, but gathered into broad plaits upon the neck and shoulders, which fall down to the ground, and terminate in a species of train.

“I thought the intrusion singular enough, but never harboured for a moment the idea that what I saw was anything more than the mortal form of some old woman about the establishment, who had a fancy to dress like her grandmother, and who, having perhaps (as your lordship mentioned that you were rather straitened for room) been dislodged from her chamber for my accommodation, had forgotten the circumstance, and returned by twelve to her old haunt. Under this persuasion I moved myself in bed and coughed a little, to make the intruder sensible of my being in possession of the premises. She turned slowly round, but, gracious Heaven! my lord, what a countenance did she display to me! There was no longer any question what she was, or any thought of her being a living being. Upon a face which wore the fixed features of a corpse were imprinted the traces of the vilest and most hideous passions which had animated her while she lived. The body of some atrocious criminal seemed to have been given up from the grave, and the soul restored from the penal fire, in order to form for a space a union with the ancient accomplice of its guilt. I started up in bed, and sat upright, supporting myself on my palms, as I gazed on this horrible spectre. The hag made, as it seemed, a single and swift stride to the bed where I lay, and squatted herself down upon it, in precisely the same attitude which I had assumed in the extremity of horror, advancing her diabolical countenance within half a yard of mine, with a grin which seemed to intimate the malice and the derision of an incarnate fiend.”

Here General Browne stopped, and wiped from his brow the cold perspiration with which the recollection of his horrible vision had covered it.

“My lord,” he said, “I am no coward, I have been in all the mortal dangers incidental to my profession, and I may truly boast that no man ever knew Richard Browne dishonour the sword he wears; but in these horrible circumstances, under the eyes, and, as it seemed, almost in the grasp of an incarnation of an evil spirit, all firmness forsook me, all manhood melted from me like wax in the furnace, and I felt my hair individually bristle. The current of my life-blood ceased to flow, and I sank back in a swoon, as very a victim to panic terror as ever was a village girl, or a child of ten years old. How long I lay in this condition I cannot pretend to guess.

“But I was roused by the castle clock striking one, so loud that it seemed as if it were in the very room. It was some time before I dared open my eyes, lest they should again encounter the horrible spectacle. When, however, I summoned courage to look up, she was no longer visible. My first idea was to pull my bell, wake the servants, and remove to a garret or a hay-loft, to be ensured against a second visitation. Nay, I will confess the truth that my resolution was altered, not by the shame of exposing myself, but by the fear that, as the bell-cord hung by the chimney, I might, in making my way to it, be again crossed by the fiendish hag, who, I figured to myself, might be still lurking about some corner of the apartment.

“I will not pretend to describe what hot and cold fever-fits tormented me for the rest of the night, through broken sleep, weary vigils, and that dubious state which forms the neutral ground between them. A hundred terrible objects appeared to haunt me; but there was the great difference betwixt the vision which I have described, and those which followed, that I knew the last to be deceptions of my own fancy and over-excited nerves.

“Day at last appeared, and I rose from my bed ill in health and humiliated in mind. I was ashamed of myself as a man and a soldier, and still more so at feeling my own extreme desire to escape from the haunted apartment, which, however, conquered all other considerations; so that, huddling on my clothes with the most careless haste, I made my escape from your lordship’s mansion, to seek in the open air some relief to my nervous system, shaken as it was by this horrible rencounter with a visitant, for such I must believe her, from the other world. Your lordship has now heard the cause of my discomposure, and of my sudden desire to leave your hospitable castle. In other places I trust we may often meet, but God protect me from ever spending a second night under that roof!”

Strange as the General’s tale was, he spoke with such a deep air of conviction that it cut short all the usual commentaries which are made on such stories. Lord Woodville never once asked him if he was sure he did not dream of the apparition, or suggested any of the possibilities by which it is fashionable to explain supernatural appearances as wild vagaries of the fancy, or deceptions of the optic nerves, On the contrary, he seemed deeply impressed with the truth and reality of what he had heard; and, after a considerable pause regretted, with much appearance of sincerity, that his early friend should in his house have suffered so severely.

“I am the more sorry for your pain, my dear Browne,” he continued, “that it is the unhappy, though most unexpected, result of an experiment of my own. You must know that, for my father and grandfather’s time, at least, the apartment which was assigned to you last night had been shut on account of reports that it was disturbed by supernatural sights and noises. When I came, a few weeks since, into possession of the estate, I thought the accommodation which the castle afforded for my friends was not extensive enough to permit the inhabitants of the invisible world to retain possession of a comfortable sleeping apartment. I therefore caused the Tapestried Chamber, as we call it, to be opened, and, without destroying its air of antiquity, I had such new articles of furniture placed in it as became the modern times. Yet, as the opinion that the room was haunted very strongly prevailed among the domestics, and was also known in the neighbourhood and to many of my friends, I feared some prejudice might be entertained by the first occupant of the Tapestried Chamber, which might tend to revive the evil report which it had laboured under, and so disappoint my purpose of rendering it a useful part or the house. I must confess, my dear Browne, that your arrival yesterday, agreeable to me for a thousand reasons besides, seemed the most favourable opportunity of removing the unpleasant rumours which attached to the room, since your courage was indubitable, and your mind free of any preoccupation on the subject. I could not, therefore, have chosen a more fitting subject for my experiment.”

“Upon my life,” said General Browne, somewhat hastily, “I am infinitely obliged to your lordship—very particularly indebted indeed. I am likely to remember for some time the consequences of the experiment, as your lordship is pleased to call it.”

“Nay, now you are unjust, my dear friend,” said Lord Woodville. “You have only to reflect for a single moment, in order to be convinced that I could not augur the possibility of the pain to which you have been so unhappily exposed. I was yesterday morning a complete sceptic on the subject of supernatural appearances. Nay, I am sure that, had I told you what was said about that room, those very reports would have induced you, by your own choice, to select it for your accommodation. It was my misfortune, perhaps my error, but really cannot be termed my fault, that you have been afflicted so strangely.”

“Strangely indeed!” said the General, resuming his good temper; “and I acknowledge that I have no right to be offended with your lordship for treating me like what I used to think myself—a man of some firmness and courage. But I see my post horses are arrived, and I must not detain your lordship from your amusement.”

“Nay, my old friend,” said Lord Woodville, “since you cannot stay with us another day—which, indeed, I can no longer urge—give me at least half an hour more. You used to love pictures, and I have a gallery of portraits, some of them by Vandyke, representing ancestry to whom this property and castle formerly belonged. I think that several of them will strike you as possessing merit.”

General Browne accepted the invitation, though somewhat unwillingly. It was evident he was not to breathe freely or at ease till he left Woodville Castle far behind him. He could not refuse his friend’s invitation, however; and the less so, that he was a little ashamed of the peevishness which he had displayed towards his well-meaning entertainer.

The General, therefore, followed Lord Woodville through several rooms into a long gallery hung with pictures, which the latter pointed out to his guest, telling the names, and giving some account of the personages whose portraits presented themselves in progression. General Browne was but little interested in the details which these accounts conveyed to him. They were, indeed, of the kind which are usually found in an old family gallery. Here was a Cavalier who had ruined the estate in the royal cause; there a fine lady who had reinstated it by contracting a match with a wealthy Roundhead. There hung a gallant who had been in danger for corresponding with the exiled Court at Saint Germain’s; here one who had taken arms for William at the Revolution; and there a third that had thrown his weight alternately into the scale of Whig and Tory.

While lord Woodville was cramming these words into his guest’s ear, “against the stomach of his sense,” they gained the middle of the gallery, when he beheld General Browne suddenly start, and assume an attitude of the utmost surprise, not unmixed with fear, as his eyes were suddenly caught and riveted by a portrait of an old lady in a sacque, the fashionable dress of the end of the seventeenth century.

“There she is!” he exclaimed—“there she is, in form and features, though Inferior in demoniac expression to the accursed hag who visited me last night!”

“If that be the case,” said the young nobleman, “there can remain no longer any doubt of the horrible reality of your apparition. That is the picture of a wretched ancestress of mine, of whose crimes a black and fearful catalogue is recorded in a family history in my charter-chest. The recital of them would be too horrible; it is enough to say, that in yon fatal apartment incest and unnatural murder were committed. I will restore it to the solitude to which the better judgment of those who preceded me had consigned it; and never shall any one, so long as I can prevent it, be exposed to a repetition of the supernatural horrors which could shake such courage as yours.”

Thus the friends, who had met with such glee, parted in a very different mood—Lord Woodville to command the Tapestried Chamber to be unmantled, and the door built up; and General Browne to seek in some less beautiful country, and with some less dignified friend, forgetfulness of the painful night which he had passed in Woodville Castle.