Monday, July 31, 2023
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Sunday, July 30, 2023
A Dumpster Diving Death on This Day in History
Saturday, July 29, 2023
Two Cases of Familicide on This Day in History
This day in history: On this day in 1937, 30-year-old farm wife Elsie Nollen of Dennison, Iowa, backed the family car up to a window and piped deadly monoxide gas into a room, killing her six children and herself.
The children raged in age from two years to 11 years. The husband, Albert Nollen, and two friends, found the bodies.
Nollen left a suicide letter starting: "I'm doing this because I see the family is not going to be raised up right." Nollen was overwhelmed with jealousy and marital unhappiness.
Albert Nollen found the bodies when he returned to his home Sunday morning after a quarrel with his wife and an all-night "spree". He found her letter in the mailbox.
Also on this day in 1919 in Kimberly, Ohio, Mary Stravisar killed her seven children and herself. "The family was living in destitute circumstances and her husband Tony had left them in May that year to search for work, but hadn't been heard of since. Stravisar and her children, who were aged 6 weeks to 10 years, were aided by the local authorities, which eventually decided to take the children to the Athens County Home. The 35-year-old was greatly worried about this and on the day the children were to be removed she tied them to their beds, sprinkled the room with coal oil and set it on fire, burning or asphyxiating all of them." Source
A familicide is a type of murder or murder-suicide in which an individual, usually a man, kills multiple close family members in quick succession, most often children, spouses, siblings, or parents. In half the cases, the killer lastly kills themselves in a murder-suicide. If only the parents are killed, the case may also be referred to as a parricide. Where all members of a family are killed, the crime may be referred to as family annihilation.
Friday, July 28, 2023
Philosopher Karl Popper on This Day in History
Thursday, July 27, 2023
Bobbie Gentry on this Day in History
Wednesday, July 26, 2023
Death by Excrement on This Day in History
Tuesday, July 25, 2023
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Monday, July 24, 2023
The Dust Bowl Heat Wave on This Day in History
In the 1930s, in addition to dealing with the Great Depression that had much of the industrialized world in its grip, Americans, particularly in the Plains States, were also coping with the Great Dust Bowl, considered the greatest single human-caused environmental catastrophe in the country’s history. Though the Depression still looms larger in the American mind, the Dust Bowl was no less traumatic or devastating for those who lived through it, and, like the economic crisis, it transformed American society as thousands of people lost their farms, their way of life, and, in some cases, even their lives.
Because the Dust Bowl is, for most people, a distant event, it might be helpful to get a sense of its massive scale through some facts and figures:
- On a single day, April 14, 1935, known to history as Black Sunday, more dirt was displaced in the air (around 300 million tons) during a massive dust storm than was moved to build the Panama Canal.
- Dirt from as far away as Illinois and Kansas was blown to points east, including New York City and states on the East Coast.
- By 1934, it was estimated that 100 million acres of farmland had lost all or most of its topsoil to the winds.
- During the same April as Black Sunday, 1935, one of FDR's advisors, Hugh Hammond Bennett, was in Washington, DC, on his way to testify before Congress about the need for soil conservation legislation. A dust storm arrived in Washington all the way from the Great Plains. As a dusty gloom spread over the nation's capital and blotted out the sun, Bennett explained, "This, gentlemen, is what I have been talking about." Congress passed the Soil Conservation Act that same year.
In addition to the damage to the land through the erosion of topsoil, the Dust Bowl prompted thousands of farmers to leave their farms and move to the cities or to leave the area entirely and head out West, around ten thousand a month at its peak. So many of those who headed West came from Oklahoma that they became known as Okies. They were immortalized by John Steinbeck in Grapes of Wrath.
In 1936, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, wishing to ensure that nothing like the Dust Bowl could ever happen again, put together the Great Plains Drought Area Committee. He charged the committee with determining the exact causes of the Dust Bowl. The first, preliminary report of the committee was filed on August 27, 1936, with an extended memo being released by the end of the year.
In The Worst Hard Time: The Untold Story of Those Who Survived the Great American Dust Bowl, Timothy Egan quotes from the first report: “Mistaken public policies have been largely responsible for the situation, [specifically] a mistaken homesteading policy, the stimulation of wartime demands which led to over cropping and overgrazing, and encouragement of a system of agriculture which could not be both permanent and prosperous.” In short, according to Roosevelt’s committee, three government policies were responsible for the Dust Bowl: The Homestead Act of 1862, which provided settlers with 160 acres of public land, followed by the Kinkaid Act of 1904 and the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909. These acts led to a massive influx of new and inexperienced farmers across the Great Plains, many of whom believed in the myth that “the rain follows the plow.”
Though Roosevelt, who believed that government policies could be a force for good in improving the human lot, didn’t like the findings of his committee, he accepted them. Of course, policymakers did not set out to create the Dust Bowl, but they aren’t entirely off the hook. As Egan points out, three groups of people testified before Congress on the potentially disastrous consequences of policies that would encourage plowing the land in the Plains States: ecologists, American Indians, and farmers. Despite their testimony, legislators went ahead with their policies. These three groups became the Cassandras of the aforementioned policies: like Cassandra in the Greek myth, they told the truth, but no one would listen.
Whether or not legislators have learned them, several lessons emerge from the experience of the Dust Bowl. First, the full consequences of a given policy can take many years, even decades, to play out. This makes it very difficult to pinpoint the ultimate cause of a particular event. Second, multiple policies can combine to create a situation that no single policy would have brought about by itself.
In this case, the Homestead Act of 1862 brought people to the Great Plains, but it wasn’t enough to get people to plow the land. The other acts, which followed the Homestead Act by over forty years, encouraged people to act in a way that disrupted the delicate ecological balance that had been established over the course of millennia. Finally, when policymakers are committed to a certain course of action, they will often proceed regardless of input received from experts.
Glenn Corey
Glenn Corey is a professional copy editor from North Canton, Ohio, and the author of the Kindle book How to Get a $150,000 Liberal Arts Education for Free: 100 Books to Help You Better Understand Yourself, Others, and the World You Live In.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.
Sunday, July 23, 2023
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Saturday, July 22, 2023
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Friday, July 21, 2023
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Thursday, July 20, 2023
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Wednesday, July 19, 2023
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Tuesday, July 18, 2023
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Monday, July 17, 2023
The Killing of the Romanovs on This Day in History
Few today would disagree that we live in a morally confused age.
Most of us have a sense of right and wrong. But if pressed to explain why we believe what we do, I suspect there would be a great many blanks stares and incoherent responses.
Justifying Murder
Much of this is attributable to the rise of emotivism, a philosophy that claims all evaluative judgments (even this one) are little more than expressions of preference or feeling, particularly with regard to moral judgments.
For example, few people would accept the proposition that the statement “murder is wrong” is simply a preference. Most would accept this as a moral fact, even if they could not explain precisely why.
However, even if this is a philosophy many people today embrace in principle, it is one they reject in practice, the philosopher Alasdair Macintyre has observed. For example, few people would accept the proposition that the statement “murder is wrong” is simply a preference. Most would accept this as a moral fact, even if they could not explain precisely why.
The idea of justified murder has intrigued great and devious minds alike for generations. Murder as a utilitarian good is the centerpiece of the plot of Dostoyevsky’s masterpiece Crime and Punishment, for example, one of the greatest psychological literary works ever written.
Raskolnikov’s decision to murder an elderly pawnbroker is the result of his view that exceptional men are not bound by the same moral conventions as ordinary men. This is a moral philosophy Dostoyevsky rejects, but his thoughts on utilitarian justifications of murder—that it could be a moral act if it led to a greater good—were quite prescient.
A little more than a half-century later, in his work “Their Morals and Ours,” the Communist revolutionary Leon Trotsky, a mass murderer, explained why murder in certain circumstances was quite justified— even rational.
“A means can be justified only by its end. But the end in its turn needs to be justified,” Trotsky wrote. “From the Marxist point of view, which expresses the historical interests of the proletariat, the end is justified if it leads to increasing the power of man over nature and to the abolition of the power of man over man.”
He continued:
Primarily and irreconcilably, revolutionary morality rejects servility in relation to the bourgeoisie and haughtiness in relation to the toilers, that is, those characteristics in which petty bourgeois pedants and moralists are thoroughly steeped.
These criteria do not, of course, give a ready answer to the question as to what is permissible and what is not permissible in each separate case. There can be no such automatic answers. Problems of revolutionary morality are fused with the problems of revolutionary strategy and tactics.
Under such a philosophy, it made perfect sense for Trotsky to order the deaths of Tsar Nicholas II’s children—Olga Nikolaevna, Tatiana Nikolaevna, Maria Nikolaevna, Anastasia Nikolaevna, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich—which he did.
“It had been right (as Trotsky says elsewhere) to kill the Tsar’s children, because it was politically justified,” wrote the Polish philosopher and historian Leszek KoĊakowski in his book Main Currents of Marxism.
The Ends versus the Means
Trotsky, of course, famously fell out of favor with Stalin (a not uncommon phenomenon). As a result, Trotsky’s two sons were killed during Stalin’s purges, an atrocity Trotsky condemned.
“Why then was it wrong for Stalin to murder Trotsky’s children?” Kolakowski asked. “Because Stalin did not represent the proletariat.”
Trotsky’s murders were justified because he was truly on the side of the proletariat, you see, whereas Stalin was a mere pretender.
A moral philosophy such as this would have looked mad to most people throughout human history—as it does to many today—but it’s the product of several strains of modern philosophy that pervade our culture: emotivism, moral relativism, and utilitarianism.
The lesson? Ask yourself why you believe what you do. And beware those who would justify their means solely by the ends they achieve.
This post was originally published on Intellectual Takeout.
Jon Miltimore
Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. (Follow him on Substack.)
His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.
Bylines: Newsweek, The Washington Times, MSN.com, The Washington Examiner, The Daily Caller, The Federalist, the Epoch Times.
This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.